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Brasil Paralelo

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Brasil Paralelo
FormatWebsite
Staff writersLucas Ferrugem
Henrique Viana
Felipe Valerim
Founded2016
Websitesite.brasilparalelo.com.br/home/

LHT HIGGS Produções Audiovisuais LTDA, better known by its trade name Brasil Paralelo, is a Brazilian company founded in 2016, in Porto Alegre, that produces documentaries offering conservative viewpoints on politics, history and current events.[1][2][3][4] The videos are published on YouTube and have been shown since December 9, 2019 on TV Escola, a state television channel linked to the Ministry of Education[5][6] and, since April 6, 2021, on the Panflix platform of the Jovem Pan group.[7]

It emerged in the context of the conservative wave in Brazil in the 2010s.[8] The producer places itself as a "connection to a parallel reality"[9] and proposes to produce content that is inconsistent to the perspectives of the mainstream world of Brazilian intellectuals and journalists,[8][9] which it considers dominated by the left.[10][11][12][13]

Its productions include content that defend and promote the values of the political right and Christianity.[14][15][13][16][10][17]

The company has been defined as close to the Bolsonaro government[17][18] and its productions have been identified as aligned with the ideas of personalities of the Brazilian far-right such as Olavo de Carvalho,[19][20] Jair Bolsonaro[21][22] and Ernesto Araújo[23] and have been criticized for distorting the history of Brazil and Portugal.[14][13][15][24][16][19][10][17]

The screening on TV Escola was repudiated by the São Paulo regional association of the National History Association, which classified the material as "ideological propaganda by an extremist group", containing "lying and denialist versions of history".[25] The producer claims that its contents are devoid of any political ideology and rejects the criticisms of academics and journalists and those contained in the entry on Wikipedia about the company.[9]

In April 2021, the YouTube channel listed 421 videos, had 1.71 million subscribers and over 100 million views. According to a survey by the Aos Fatos agency, Brasil Paralelo is also the second largest Telegram channel in the world, with 80 thousand subscribers, losing to the profile of Allan dos Santos, from Terça Livre.[26]

History

[edit]

LHT HIGGS Produções Audiovisuais LTDA[27] was founded in Porto Alegre in 2016 by Lucas Ferrugem, Henrique Viana and Felipe Valerim,[10] alumni of the Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing[13] amid the rise of a conservative wave in Brazil.[8] Felipe Valerim, stated that the company arose through "a group of young entrepreneurs, today partners of the project, who understood that the country was going through a new moment. Facing the political scenario of 2014, with the reelection of Dilma Rousseff, a awakening of political conscience gained more and more strength from the feeling of revolt of the majority of the population".[28]

Before deciding on the fancy name, the team had decided on the names Brado, a word found in the Brazilian National Anthem, and Paralelo 15, the parallel that passes over Brasília. The name Brasil Paralelo was inspired by the movie Interstellar (2014), appreciated by the partners. According to them, the "name is a reference to a way of acting, totally independent of the State. After all, two parallel lines never meet." The company's logo, a black hole, refers to the idea of "connecting with a parallel reality",[9]

since the company proposes to produce content that is inconsistent with the perspectives of the mainstream world among Brazilian intellectuals and journalists,[29][30] which it considers dominated by the left.[10][11][12][31] The logo was also inspired by the film:[30]

"In this film, the protagonist must save humanity from the terrestrial apocalypse by entering a wormhole in space and finding a habitable planet in a parallel universe. The company's logo is shaped like a black hole precisely to give the idea that the brand is the connection with a parallel reality. In this case, parallel to what people were used to seeing in mainstream media. - Writing by Brasil Paralelo, February 15, 2021."[9]

Brasil Paralelo affirms that the production is done independently, non-partisan, exempt and based on a large information collection analyzed by specialists. According to the company, all resources come from the sale of subscriptions, which allow access to additional content.[30]

"The interpretation of the founding partners is rigid in the fact that Brazilian culture has declined because of the interdependence with the State. This is exactly what limits the freedom of the media.

From the first moment, even taking out loans from private banks, the partners decided not to be partisans, not to campaign politically, not to benefit from public notices, incentive laws or any source of public money. They already predicted that these relations with the State would diminish the company's credibility.

- Writing by Brasil Paralelo, February 15, 2021."[30]

However, divergent information was published by the newspaper Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil, which argues that since its origin the producer has been linked to a series of privileges in the coverage of political personalities not accessible to ordinary people, in addition to benefiting from the facilitation in raising funds from the National Film Agency (Ancine) for the production of a documentary on the election of Jair Bolsonaro.[32]

A closer look shows that things are not quite like that. In 2016, the year of its launch, the production company's website announces the sale of 68 lectures for R$ 360 in cash or 12x for R$ 36.14. Among the luminaries of the Republic that were supposed to make the public literally pay to see were the then Minister of Education Mendonça Filho, the Minister of the Supreme Federal Court, Gilmar Mendes, the Bolsonaro clan, in addition, of course, Olavo de Carvalho. Leaving aside judgment of values on the peculiar taste of the audience, we must recognize the capacity to reach important figures, such as deputies, senators and three ministers - personalities not accessible to ordinary people [...] For comparison purposes, the documentary on the election of Jair Bolsonaro produced by Josias Teófilo (who collaborated with Brasil Paralelo) was authorized by Ancine to raise R$ 530 thousand from the private sector. If the values are minimally similar, someone found the goose that laid the golden eggs. - Diego Martins Dória Paulo, Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil, May 18, 2020.[32]

In a note published on February 15, 2021, criticizing the entry in Wikipedia in Portuguese about the company, Brasil Paralelo explains:[30]

For example, it is said [on Wikipedia] that the company had a government edict approved at R $ 530,000 for the production of a film about Jair Bolsonaro. The source is the newspaper Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil. However, although the source was used to confirm that Brasil Paralelo received public money, the fact is not proven.

In Le Monde, you can find the information that Josias Teófilo, from another company, is responsible for the money and the film, and not Brasil Paralelo.

The source itself used to confirm the accusation, in fact, belies what was said. The source is the very proof that the claim is a lie.

- Writing by Brasil Paralelo, February 15, 2021.[30]

In February 2017, for the sixth episode of the series of documentary films, the company collected 88 testimonies from right-wing opinion makers to launch a film about the Impeachment of Dilma Rousseff, as a counterpoint to the homonymous version produced with support from the Workers' Party (PT), focused on the narrative that the impeachment would have been a coup d'état. The title of the sixth episode was Impeachment - From the heyday to the fall, whose official launch took place on March 21, 2017, in São Paulo and Porto Alegre.[33] In São Paulo, the premiere took place at Cinemark Metrô Santa Cruz and after the screening of the film, there was a live debate with Henrique Viana, Ícaro de Carvalho, Luiz Philippe of Orléans-Braganza, Hélio Beltrão and Joice Hasselmann. In the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, the premiere took place at Cinemark Barra Shopping Sul and, after the exhibition, there was a debate with Lucas Ferrugem, Felipe Moura Brasil, Guilherme Macalossi and Diego Casagrande. These were Brasil Paralelo's first face-to-face events.[34] The following day the seminary "What to expect in 2017" was held at the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul, with the presence of the journalist and architect Percival Puggina, diplomat Paulo Roberto de Almeida and deputy Marcel van Hattem, in which Brasil Paralelo's activities were discussed.

In April 2017, the company participated in the 30th edition of the Freedom Forum. The event is promoted by the Institute of Business Studies (IEE) and the edition took place at the Events Center of PUC/RS with lectures by João Doria, Pedro Malan, Eduardo Giannetti, Luiz Felipe Pondé, among others. At this event, Brasil Paralelo representatives exhibited, at the Unconference show, the entity's work in producing content and as an independent media alternative.[15]

In early 2017, the production company had more than five thousand subscribers. In just six months of existence, the company earned more than R$1.5 million, as reported in the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo, as it was contested by its founders.[35][19] The company claims that its revenue comes from selling courses and exclusive content to subscribers and monetizing videos uploaded to YouTube, at the same time saying that its documentaries are free.[3] In September 2020, it reported that this last source of income was no longer in operation, having all its revenue from the sale of courses and content to subscribers.[3]

On September 28, 2019, the company signed a contract with TV Escola, a state television channel linked to the Ministry of Education.[6] With a three-year validity, the contract authorized the company's free and non-exclusive assignment of the rights to display one of its series to the channel.[6] Thus, on December 9, 2019, the series Brasil, the Last Crusade began to be shown on TV Escola.[16] which classified the material as "a piece of ideological propaganda by an extremist group", containing "lying and denialist versions of history", without support in national and international historiography.[25]

According to a survey by the agency Aos Fatos published on February 4, 2021, Brasil Paralelo is the second largest Telegram channel in the world, with 80 thousand subscribers, second only to the profile of Allan dos Santos, from Terça Livre. The channel, however, was the only one of the 20 studied that presented in January of that year a reduction in the number of views and messages published.[26]

Specialized criticism

[edit]

Historians have criticized the company for the negationist and anti-intellectualist content[36] of its videos, for distorting historical facts such as the military dictatorship, slavery and the colonization of Brazil and disseminating conspiracy and denialist theories [37][38][14] promoted by Olavo de Carvalho,[19][20] Jair Bolsonaro[21][22] and Ernesto Araújo.[23] Experts also pointed out that the content of the videos is cyber-activist[39][40][41] and distorts the past[42][43][31][24][16][19][10] and classified the speech of some documentaries as an age-old and conspiracyist.[23][19][10]

Paulo Pachá, professor of medieval history at the Fluminense Federal University, pointed out that the documentary Brazil: The Last Crusade has extreme right ideologies being published in Pacific Standard:

Brazil: The Last Crusade was produced and launched on YouTube by the extreme right organization Brasil Paralelo ("Parallel Brazil"), a channel with more than 700 thousand subscribers; the documentary now has more than 1.5 million views. The first episode, "The Cross and the Sword", presents a brief history of Western civilization in the Middle Ages. Filled with Islamophobia, the episode focuses on the Arab conquest of the Iberian Peninsula and the Crusades, highlighting the role of the Knights Templar in European and Portuguese history, including the so-called Reconquistae and the expansion abroad. The filmmakers emphasize how Portuguese conquest and colonial rule established European heritage as the most profound essence of Brazil, linking the future nation to the legacy of the European Middle Ages.

In fact, the idea of Western civilization is a recent political construction designed to legitimize specific political and historical processes, including imperialism and colonialism. By portraying the European Middle Ages as the nation's true past, the Brazilian extreme right bleaches both its own true history and the cruelty of its continuing political practice, especially (but not only) the persistence of active racism, misogyny, homophobia and religious intolerance .

Racism is a structural element of Brazilian society. Brazil was the last country in the Americas to abolish slavery, in 1888. [...] Brazil offers fertile ground for an imaginary version of the European Middle Ages that the extreme right presents as white, patriarchal and Christian. By emphasizing the relationship between Brazil and Portugal, the extreme right erases the importance of indigenous and African peoples in the history of Brazil and ignores their social, cultural and economic contributions. In this imaginary past, Portugal is not framed as a distant colonial power, but as the "homeland" that gave Brazilians a European language and culture.

- Paulo Pachá, Pacific Standard, March 12, 2019.

[44]

And then in text at the Public Agency:

The first thing is to understand what the role of the Crusade or this new Crusade is in the thinking of the extreme right, which is similar in Brazil, in Europe, in the United States and in New Zealand. This has been showing up congruently, which is a little scary.

These ideas of the Crusade and the Middle Ages have to do with a very idealized and quite partial view of what the period was. What attracts these groups is to think that it was a patriarchal, white and Christian time. This Middle Ages never existed, but it has this role in the thinking of these groups.

The Crusades are especially exalted because they are a moment in which these three elements [patriarchal, Christian and white] are very well represented. In this view of the Crusades, you would have a war movement led by a group seen as mostly male; an element that involves the religious question - the Crusades as primarily a religious conflict between Christianity and Islam - and, moreover, the idea of a multi-century dispute between East and West.

To recover the Crusades is to develop [a narrative about] how these three elements played a fundamental role during the Middle Ages. You would have a defense of the Christian religion against Islam, a military movement - and, there, all the characteristics of masculinity, of virility, of strength - and this East versus West issue, which leads to the construction of an idea of Western civilization.

- Paulo Pachá, Agência Pública, August 10, 2019.

[45][46]

In December 2019, the philosopher Paulo Ghiraldelli defined Brasil Paralelo as "the producer of Olavo [de Carvalho]", ideologue of the new Brazilian right, and said that it was an ideological rigging. He also criticized the quality of the content:

Olavo's producer, Brasil Paralelo, is doing the programming. Olavo began to equip the teachers ideologically. The level is of terraplanism beyond, with the right to anti-vaccination campaigns and the conversion of the History of Brazil into a discipline without a head or a head. We will soon see pre-university students swearing that the law of gravity never existed and Zumbi dos Palmares was whipping slaves. - Paulo Ghiraldelli Júnior, IstoÉ magazine, December 13, 2019.

[47]

About the TV Escola exhibition of the Brasil series: the last crusade, the regional São Paulo of the National History Association (ANPUH-SP) issued a joint note with professors and students from the University of São Paulo, in which it classified the material as "a play of ideological propaganda of an extremist group", containing "lying and denialist versions of history", without support in national and international historiography:[25]

The series is, in fact, a piece of ideological propaganda by an extremist group.

Professionals without research work and without specific training in history are dedicated to building a fanciful, misguided and prejudiced narrative of the colonization process in Brazil. It is a production unrelated to the methods endorsed by the institutions and professionals who have been working hard for many years.

The objective of the series is to defend a political position of the extreme right, aligned with the thinking of the current group that exercises the Presidency of the Republic and their particular war against culture and scientific knowledge.

- São Paulo Regional of the National History Association (ANPUH-SP)

[25]

In May 2020, Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil also classified the material produced as extreme right:

The reflection on irrationality as an engine of political action - which finds in the myth one of its consecrated expressions - gains special relevance with the emergence of the extreme right producer Brasil Parallel. The company of cultural olavism falsifies the academic debate and appeals to the most primitive instincts of the public it tries to reach. In this quarantine, a whirlwind of advertising messages summoned the "patriots" to support the initiative in their crusade against Brazilian education. Considering her as a producer of myths shows not only the mechanisms of her performance, but also the role she plays in the larger arc of forces that are brought together in the Bolsonarist-Olavist pact, of which she is a part. - Diego Martins Dória Paulo, Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil, May 18, 2020.

[48]

Historian Ítalo Nelli Borges pointed out political propaganda in the company's content:

By acting outside institutionalized educational environments, Brasil Paralelo takes this to the letter with a lot of propaganda skills for its target audience

[...]

Social networks, in general, have become a platform where the largest and most diverse audience is concentrated, willing to consume historical content, and in this sense, with the current design of our socio-political situation, the extreme right has been better adapted to this form of communication. Parallel Brazil and the public success of his film is an undeniable example

- Ítalo Nelli Borges, Revista Expedições, 2019.

[49]

The producer denies any political ideology and claims to have criticized "absolutely all political groups in the history of Brazil".[30] He also explains that he interviews left-wing personalities:

Even Gilmar Mendes was interviewed when he was president of the Superior Electoral Court and Minister of the STF. Other interviewees were: Mariana Carvalho, leader of the PSDB; Simon Schwartzman, president of IBGE; and Paulo Rezzutti, writer.

Several were interviewed and many more were invited and did not accept.

Haddad himself was invited, after all he was Minister of Education and his version of the facts was requested. Mário Sérgio Cortella was invited to speak about his vision of Paulo Freire and also refused.

Interviews are scarce, but what many may not know is that authors considered "left" are read.

- Writing by Brasil Paralelo, February 15, 2021.

[30]

Production

[edit]

Brasil Paralelo has produced several series of documentaries, among which are:[50]

  • Parallel Brazil Congress (2016)[51]
  • Brazil: The Last Crusade (2017)
  • The Day After Election (2018)
  • The Theater of Scissors (2018)
  • Vargas era: the twilight of an idol (2018)
  • Homeland Educator: The Trilogy (2020)
  • 1964: Brazil between Arms and Books (2019)[3]
  • 7 complaints: the consequences of the COVID-19 case (2020)[3]
  • The Owners of Truth (2020)[3]
  • The End of Nations (2020)
  • The Supreme 11 (2020)
  • The Great Minorities (2020)
  • Christmas Special 2020 (2020)
  • The Argentine Fall (2021)

The Brasil Parallel Congress series was the company's first and was made from video testimonials from Brazilian conservatism personalities, such as Hélio Beltrão, Olavo de Carvalho, Janaina Paschoal, Luiz Philippe of Orléans-Braganza, Luiz Felipe Pondé, Lobão, Rodrigo Constantino, Joice Hasselmann and Jair Bolsonaro.[52] Following Brazil Parallel Congress, the episodes of Brazil: The Last Crusade between September 18, 2017, and April 9, 2018, were launched. An analysis of the discourse of the content presented in the second chapter of the series found the dissemination of ideas millenarianists and conspiracy theories, presenting a political-ideological and revisionist content disguised as historical. The analysis was made in June 2018 by history professor Roldão Carvalho Pires and social communicator Mara Rovida, from the University of Sorocaba.[53] On December 9, 2019, the series was shown on the state television channel TV Escola.[16]

With its premiere on August 21, 2018, Teatro das Tesouras approached the backstage of seven Brazilian presidential elections after the end of the Military Dictatorship established by the 1964 civil-military coup. And, entitled in reference to the motto of Dilma Rousseff's second government ("Brazil: Pátria Educadora"), Pátria Educadora: The Trilogy criticized education in Brazil and Paulo Freire in three episodes.[54][55]

From 2019, the release of the 1964 documentary: Brazil between Arms and Books on the Cinemark cinema network was canceled due to protests against the relativization of state repression and torture during the Brazilian military dictatorship.[3] The historian and professor of comparative literature, João Cezar de Castro Rocha, however, affirms, in his column in Veja magazine, that "the documentary does not support the dictatorship and explicitly condemns torture", although it also affirms that the premise of the film "favors the explanation of complex processes through conspiracy theories "and provides" support for Jair Bolsonaro's belligerent politics". [56] Rocha also compared the role of the producer in the rise of Bolsonarism to the participation of the Institute of Research and Social Studies in the preparation of the Coup d'état in Brazil in 1964.[41]

In the second half of 2020, he released two documentaries.[3] The Owners of Truth sought to defend Abraham Weintraub's speeches through the argument of freedom of expression, while 7 complaints: the consequences of the COVID-19 case directed criticism to the measure of physical distance in the fight against the pandemic of COVID-19 and its formulators and disseminators.[3] Both productions motivated the observation of adhesion by Brasil Paralelo to the "digital shock troop of the president" Jair Bolsonaro, expressed by journalist Fábio Zanini.[3][57]

Fake news and accusation of fraud at the polls

[edit]

The fact-checking agencies of Estadão and O Globo identified the transmission of fake news in two videos released close to the 2018 presidential elections on the Brazilian electronic ballot boxes.[58][59]

In October 2018, during general election campaigns, the group posted a video on YouTube. A man identified as Hugo Cesar Hoeschl said that "international studies indicate that the likelihood of fraud in the last presidential election was 73.14%". This information was found to be false. The Superior Electoral Court (TSE) issued a note denying what was reported in the video, where it stated that "there is no record [...] that the author of the video participated in any audit and transparency event, such as the tests security procedures carried out by the TSE and the presentation of the source codes".[58][59]

Even during the 2018 campaigns, experts denied Brasil Paralelo's accusation that there was fraud in the ballot boxes of the 2014 elections in Brazil. The accusation was based on Benford's Law, however, the Comprova Project checked the accusation and denied it concluding that the Benford Law alone is not sufficient to prove irregularities. Nevertheless, the Brasil Paralelo video already had approximately two million views at the time the check was published.[59]

Proximity to Bolsonaro's pro-government media

[edit]

Despite calling itself independent media and unrelated to political parties,[60][19] Brasil Paralelo gained privileged access to the presidential inauguration of Jair Bolsonaro[61] and also to the broadcast of one of its series by the state channel TV Escola during the government of that president,[22][6][62][63] in addition to receiving broad support from Eduardo Bolsonaro through his Facebook account, disseminating videos and subscription plans.[17]

In January 2019, free traffic conditions in the possession of President Jair Bolsonaro were granted to Brasil Paralelo, Terça Livre TV and Conexão Política, while journalists from various vehicles reported limitations on the journalistic coverage of possession, including food, restrooms. and access to authorities and sources.[61]

In March 2019, after hearing experts, Deutsche Welle reported on Brazil Paralelo alongside other historical revisionists in the article "Historical negationism as a political weapon":

A historical revisionism is underway in Brazil based on the denial and manipulation of facts. He is promoted by followers of the "new right" and by the Bolsonaro government itself. And it goes beyond "left-wing Nazism." [...] There is a historical revisionism, with political ends, underway in Brazil. It is based on the denial and manipulation of facts and is promoted by members of the Jair Bolsonaro government and followers of the "new right". To say that there was no coup in 1964 and that Nazism was a leftist movement, as the President himself said, are just a few examples. These examples, according to experts heard by DW Brasil, are part of a larger strategy, of a movement that seeks to legitimize its political projects from a distorted view of academic historiography practiced by historians in Brazil and in the world based on scientific methods. Promoted by the ideologue Olavo de Carvalho and his followers, including Chancellor Ernesto Araújo and Federal Deputy Eduardo Bolsonaro, the president's son, this historic denialism is fraught with conspiracy theories, inaccuracies and omissions.

[...] Theses of this revisionism were condensed in a series of documentaries produced by a sympathetic channel on the far right and Olavo de Carvalho's line of thought on Youtube. In their videos, the Brasil Paralelo group claims to want to present a History "free from ideological narratives", however, according to historians heard by DW Brasil, it does the exact opposite by not mentioning the sources from which the information cited by the narrator came from.

- Clarissa Neher, Deutsche Welle Brasil, April 3, 2019.

[64]

In April 2019, the cinema network Cinemark withdrew 1964 from the poster: Brazil between Arms and Books saying that it does not get involved with "political party issues [...] we do not authorize in our complex partisan media disclosure nor events of a nature political [...] we do not support political organizations or parties." After that, defenders of the dictatorship demonstrated on a social network calling for a boycott of Cinemark.[65] Writing for Piauí magazine, Eduardo Escorel said that one of Brasil Paralelo's productions is didactic political propaganda:[66]

1964: Brazil between Arms and Books is not exactly a film; it seems more like an updated version of the conferences made during the silent cinema era to finance the incursions of explorers and travelers through distant and exotic lands. On these occasions, the speaker's words were illustrated by the images captured on his travels. The pamphlet of Valerim and Ferrugem, conducted by a narrator, with archival images for illustration purposes, in addition to testimonials, thus regresses a century in terms of language, standing outside the field of documentary, in the contemporary sense of the term. It is, in fact, a piece of political propaganda with didactic pretensions. - Eduardo Scorel, Piauí magazine, April 30, 2019.

[66]

In May 2019, a monitoring of social media profiles by the Agência Pública listed Brasil Paralelo as "part of alternative support sites for the Bolsonaro government" alongside the Terça Livre, Senso Incomum, Conexão Política, Reaçonaria and Renova Mídia. The monitoring was done to understand how a group of 54 supporters of Olavo de Carvalho try to influence the government's education agenda.[18] On June 25, 2019, the company had its right of reply published by the newspaper O Globo, since it was granted by the 6th Civil Court of Porto Alegre because of the defamatory accusation present in a text published by the newspaper at the beginning of that year about the 1964 film - Brazil between Arms and Books produced by the company.[4]

In the second half of 2020, he released two documentaries.[3] The Owners of Truth sought to defend Abraham Weintraub's speeches through the argument of freedom of expression, while 7 complaints: the consequences of the COVID-19 case directed criticism to the measure of physical distance in the fight against the pandemic of COVID-19 and its formulators and disseminators.[3] Both productions motivated the observation of adhesion by Brasil Paralelo to the "digital shock troop of the president" Jair Bolsonaro, expressed by journalist Fábio Zanini.[3][57]

In relation to the launchings of Os Donos da Verdade and 7 complaints: the consequences of the COVID-19 case, journalist Fábio Zanini criticized the lower quality of production and the proximity to Bolsonaro's ideas and compared the producer to the Terça Livre channel:[3][57]

This time around, the producer seems to have taken on its role in the president's digital shock troop, perhaps because it needs to energize its subscriber base. It could be a documentary made by the channel Tuesday Free, and not only for the tone, but also because of the quality. - Fábio Zanini, Folha de S.Paulo, July 3, 2020.

[57]

In a report published on September 28, 2020, O Estado de S. Paulo defines the "Netflix 'company of the bolsonaristas".[67] In the same report, Lucas Ferrugem, a partner at the company, stated that Brasil Paralelo has no relationship with Eduardo Bolsonaro or with the government's guidelines, although he has sympathy for Bolsonaro and feels represented in some guidelines.[67]

Criticism to Wikipedia

[edit]

In September 2020, the company's lawyer, identified as Fmdonadel[68] on Wikipedia in Portuguese, requested on the entry's discussion page that the content be changed and suggested replacing the content with a version provided by him,[69] since he understood that the article contained untrue information and "written to denigrate the company's image". According to him, Brasil Paralelo is "absolutely independent, non-partisan, devoid of ideological bias".[3]

The entry about the company was protected,[70] that is, newly created accounts were prevented from editing it. Lucas Ferrugem, one of the company's founders, classified the entry as "absurd and defamatory" and explained that the producer had tried to collaborate on the Wikipedia page, but "could no longer edit, correct information and submit new sources" and that is why his office would have entered the scene".[3] Henrique Viana, another founder of the company, declared in Gazeta do Povo:

Wikipedia initially proposes free editing, but blocked the editions on the page about Brasil Paralelo and gave the liberation to edit only one individual,[71] who is inserting fake news about our company. The Wikipedia page on Brasil Paralelo has become a repository of fake news and ideological narratives, without any other user being able to edit and promote self-regulation, which is the essence of the platform. We are trying to talk to the platform so that other people can edit our page and insert the real information.

Regarding our definition, it would be good for those who made definitions about Brasil Paralelo to know our work first, so that they could do it honestly. We are a media company, private and 100% independent, oriented to the search for the truth and contrary to ideologization in content production.

- Henrique Viana, September 18, 2020.

[29]

On February 15, 2021, the production staff issued a statement explaining that it was not a scam, as propagated in various media, both journalistic and academic, criticized the Wikipedia entry about the company and countered criticism from history teachers, journalists and members of political parties. In the note, the producer rejects the classifications of extreme right, anti-intellectualist, negationist, cyberactivist, millenarian and revisionism.[30][72]

Something that seems simple and harmless creates a number of problems.

1. There is no right of reply. Access is blocked and nothing can be corrected;[71]

2. People who do not know the content of Brasil Paralelo search on Wikipedia about the company and end up believing in the information contained in the text;

3. The debate is stifled. The Wikipedia article omits the facts about a serious company that employs dozens of employees, tarnishing the brand's reputation.

- Writing by Brasil Paralelo, February 15, 2021.

[30]

See also

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]
  • Alcântara, Mauro Henrique Miranda de; Silva, Katiane da (2020).

SimpoHis2020 Mídias e Tecnologias: Mauro Henrique Miranda de Alcântara e Katiane da Silva 6º Simpósio Eletrônico Internacional de Ensino de História. LAPHIS - Unespar. Trata-se, na verdade, de uma empresa de caráter privado, com o intuito de promover o revisionismo histórico. E por divulgar e propagar seu conteúdo no YouTube, por meio de divulgação paga, um/a estudante, ao buscar nesta plataforma sobre um determinado assunto da História do Brasil, terá accesso, antecipadamente, ao conteúdo desta empresa. Isso impacta, diretamente, no conhecimento histórico que, tanto o/a estudante, quanto o/a professor levará para sala de aula.

  • Carvalho, Roldão Pires; Rovida, Mara (2020). «A propaganda do ticket conservador-liberal – uma análise do potencial ideológico do discurso do ativismo de direita». Questões Transversais - Revista de Epistemologias da Comunicação. V. 8 (n. 15). ISSN 2318-6372.
  • Dias, André Bonsanto (2019). Um Brasil (em) Paralelo: as "verdades" da ditadura e sua historicidade mediada como um empreendimento político. XII Encontro Nacional de História da Mídia. Natal. ISSN 2175-6945. Nos parece fundamental perceber como este discurso está baseado sob premissas bastante paradoxais, no sentido de que an empresa parece se colocar em cima de um muro que ela mesma pretende derrubar. Ou seja, de accordo com esta perspectiva, existiria uma ideologia dominante responsável por encobrir a "verdadeira" história do país e o Brasil Paralelo, de forma comprometida e ao mesmo tempo "imparcial", iria revisitá-la não a seu bel prazer, mas para "resgatar" uma narrativa que nos havia sido negada e que todos mereciam receber.
  • Luiz, Isabella Ferreira (2020). Negacionismo em rede: a negação da escravidão e da ditadura militar no Brasil ganhou an internet (PDF). XVII Encontro Regional de História (ANPUHPR). Maringá. Assim como os discursos negacionista sobre an escravidão no Brasil, tem-se cada vez mais um discurso que ora nega o período ditatorial, as mortes, as torturas e as prisões arbitrárias, ora busca exaltar os generais, o exército, as mortes e prisões, discurso esse que vem acompanhado da “defesa da moral e dos bons costumes” e que vem ganhando o espaço da internet e encontrou em canais como o Brasil Paralelo meios para florescer e alcançar um público ainda maior.
  • Lopes, Reinaldo José (2017). Olavo de Carvalho afunda série do Brasil Paralelo Folha de S.Paulo. Cópia arquivada em 5 de janeiro de 2018. Atendendo a pedidos, analisei o ep. 1 da série de vídeos de história do Brasil Paralelo, que recebeu o título geral "Brasil: A Última Cruzada". Resultado: a perspectiva "cruzada" é interessante e importante, mas há uma série de erros bizarros também — dois deles cometidos por ninguém menos que Olavo de Carvalho.
  • Lopes, Reinaldo José (2017). Brasil Paralelo: Erros bizarros e alguns acertos no ep. 1. Consultado em 16 de maio de 2020 – via YouTube. ...tem coisas que realmente é um foco interessante e importante. Agora, para quem quer ser ou parece que os caras querem ser a palavra definitiva, a visão revolucionária que vai mostrar a verdade sobre as origens de Portugal e do Brasil. Não. Não é isso e tem problemas sérios que deveriam ser corrigidos na minha opinião.
  • Nicolazzi, Fernando (23 de março de 2019). A história da ditadura contada pelo Brasil Paralelo (por Fernando Nicolazzi) Sul 21. Cópia arquivada em 1 de abril de 2019. Ou seja, trata-se de uma obra com claro viés político e ideológico, resultando paradoxalmente em algo que seus próprios autores e colaboradores condenam. O problema, gostaria de deixar claro, não é an existência do viés, mas sua vergonhosa negação. Supondo, assim, ser este um produto que mostre como são "todos os conteúdos gerados" pela Brasil Paralelo, podemos já fazer algumas inferências a respeito do vídeo que estreará em 31 de março.
  • Nicolazzi, Fernando (7 de abril de 2019). 2019 – O Brasil Paralelo entre o passado histórico e a picanha de papelão (por Fernando Nicolazzi) Sul 21. Cópia arquivada em 8 de abril de 2019. Estamos diante de uma instrumentalização e de uma falsidade por dois motivos bastante simples: meu artigo não dizia respeito diretamente ao vídeo em questão, tampouco sugeria qualquer tipo de boicote ou censura à sua exibição. Ou seja, ele aparece ali deslocado de seu contexto de origem e utilizado unicamente para repercutir o vídeo veiculado. Trata-se de marketing publicitário, não de uma verdade factual. Em outras palavras, se não estamos diante de uma mentira explicitamente enunciada, é certo que o que vemos é uma falsidade sugerida de forma implícita e que engana o espectador. Seria como, por exemplo, colocar uma imagem de garimpeiros de Serra Pelada realizada pelo fotógrafo Sebastião Salgado após o fim da ditadura para representar suppostos guerrilheiros encarados como responsáveis pelo início dessa mesma ditadura. Não apenas um erro cronológico, mas uma falsificação histórica.
  • Ratier, Rodrigo (16 de dezembro de 2019). Rodrigo Ratier - TV ligada ao MEC traz História preconceituosa, diz especialista. UOL. Cópia arquivada em 23 de abril de 2020. A gente ainda não encontrou alternativas para fazer frente an esse tipo de estratégia que se ampara na mentira. De toda forma, essa discussão tem uma dimensão positiva, que é trazer para o primeiro plano an importância das demandas sociais pelo passado e do direito à democratização da História. Sobretudo, mostra a relevância do conhecimento histórico e da necessidade de ele ser produzido de forma honesta e com compromisso em relação à democracia.
  • Vieira, Isadora Muniz (9 de outubro de 2019). Historiadoras/es e o paralelismo charlatão. HH Magazine: humanidades em rede. Cópia arquivada em 16 de maio de 2020. Sabemos que não se trata de oferecer a um público interessado por essas temáticas um conteúdo de qualidade. Menos ainda, trata-se de um compromisso de formar as pessoas historicamente e "expandir o intelecto". O objetivo é suprir uma demanda no mercado da conspiração, estabelecer um projeto nacional reacionário e lucrar com a desinformação. Como já pontuou o professor Fernando Nicolazzi, da UFRGS, o lucro por si só não deveria ser considerado um problema se o conteúdo vendido pela empresa não fosse intelectualmente desonesto e não tivesse a finalidade nefasta de desconstruir projetos políticos e sociais da nossa breve experiência democrática com revisionismo histórico barato (no sentido ruim da palavra, porque an assinatura do plano annual é de R$197,90). Acontece que esse paralelismo é paternalista, racista, sexista e avesso à pluralidade de ideias. É antidemocrátivo e autoritário. Vende conteúdo meramente opinativo e desprovido de constatações.

References

[edit]
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  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p "Brasil Paralelo faz 'guerra de edições' e disputa narrativas na Wikipédia". tab.uol.com.br.
  4. ^ a b "Direito de Resposta Brasil Paralelo". O Globo. June 25, 2019.
  5. ^ "TV ligada ao MEC vai exibir série sobre história com visão de direita - 09/12/2019 - Educação - Folha". December 29, 2019. Archived from the original on 2019-12-29.
  6. ^ a b c d "Exclusivo: contrato da TV Escola com Brasil Paralelo é de três anos". O Antagonista. December 9, 2019.
  7. ^ "Panflix exibe documentários da produtora Brasil Paralelo a partir desta terça – Jovem Pan". Panflix exibe documentários da produtora Brasil Paralelo a partir desta terça – Jovem Pan. April 5, 2021.
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  11. ^ a b Rosa, Pablo Ornelas; Rezende, Rafael Alves; Martins, Victória Mariani de Vargas (December 11, 2018). "As consequências do etnocentrismo de Olavo de Carvalho na produção discursiva das novíssimas direitas conservadoras brasileiras". Revista NEP - Núcleo de Estudos Paranaenses da UFPR. 4 (2): 164–203. doi:10.5380/nep.v4i2.63832 – via revistas.ufpr.br.
  12. ^ a b "Bolsonaro inicia doutrinação ideológica com programa de Olavo de Carvalho na TV Escola". Revista Fórum. December 9, 2019.
  13. ^ a b c d "A 'máquina' barulhenta da direita na internet - Política - Estadão". March 26, 2017. Archived from the original on 2017-03-26.
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  15. ^ a b c "Impeachment: Do Apogeu à Queda | Congresso Brasil Paralelo". Archived from the original on 2017-04-10. Retrieved 2021-04-15.
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  17. ^ a b c d "'Netflix' dos bolsonaristas gastou R$ 328 mil em anúncios de Facebook e Instagram - Política". Estadão.
  18. ^ a b "O que os olavistas querem do Ministério da Educação". May 7, 2019.
  19. ^ a b c d e f g "Como uma produtora virou uma das principais difusoras de ideias de direita no país". Folha de S.Paulo. August 8, 2019.
  20. ^ a b "Análise: Com Olavo em dose dupla, direita ganha nova batalha cultural". Folha de S.Paulo. April 8, 2019.
  21. ^ a b "Brasil Paralelo, uma empresa colaboracionista (por Fernando Nicolazzi)". January 17, 2020.
  22. ^ a b c "Todos nessa foto prometeram jamais receber dinheiro do governo. A maioria recebeu". The Intercept Brasil. March 2020.
  23. ^ a b c ""Nazismo de esquerda": o absurdo virou discurso oficial em Brasília | DW | 28.03.2019". DW.COM.
  24. ^ a b "Meio Desligado - Congresso Brasil Paralelo: a direita acordou". November 9, 2016.
  25. ^ a b c d "Anpuh-Sp Apoia Nota de Alerta".
  26. ^ a b "Pressionados por redes sociais, bolsonaristas levam desinformação ao Telegram e quintuplicam audiência no app em um mês | Aos Fatos". aosfatos.org.
  27. ^ "Brasil Paralelo | Assista aqui todas nossas séries gratuitas". site.brasilparalelo.com.br.
  28. ^ "Brasil Paralelo: em entrevista exclusiva, conheça a origem dos documentários que fazem sucesso na Internet". July 19, 2018.
  29. ^ a b "Brasil Paralelo quer 1 milhão de membros até 2022 e mira entretenimento".
  30. ^ a b c d e f g h i j "A Brasil Paralelo é uma farsa? [Mitos e Verdades]". 15 February 2021.
  31. ^ a b "A 'máquina' barulhenta da direita na internet - Política". Archived from the original on 2017-03-26. Retrieved 2017-03-26.
  32. ^ a b "Os mitos da Brasil Paralelo - Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil". diplomatique.org.br. 18 May 2020.
  33. ^ "Notícia em Destaque". Archived from the original on 2017-04-16. Retrieved 2021-04-15.
  34. ^ [1][dead link‍]
  35. ^ Fucs 2017, Talvez o caso de maior sucesso seja o do pessoal do site Brasil Paralelo, que vendeu milhares de assinaturas do conteúdo que produz. Segundo informações não confirmadas pelos fundadores, a empresa teria amealhado R$ 1,5 milhão em seis meses. É sinal de que, ao menos para alguns, a onda da direita na internet pode ser sustentável.
  36. ^ Picoli, Bruno Antonio; Chitolina, Vanessa; Guimarães, Roberta (2020-10-29). "Revisionismo histórico e educação para a barbárie: a verdade da "Brasil Paralelo" | Revista UFG". Revista Ufg. 20. Revistas.ufg.br. doi:10.5216/revufg.v20.64896. S2CID 228996155. Retrieved 2021-05-15.
  37. ^ "Negacionismos: os desafios da historiografia (2019)". April 29, 315.
  38. ^ "Para que(m) serve o nosso conhecimento?". April 17, 2019.
  39. ^ Bardini, Elvis Dieni (May 15, 2017). "A cibercultura da intolerância política, ou como a linguagem do ódio desconstrói a cidadania". Archived from the original on April 16, 2021. Retrieved May 15, 2021 – via www.riuni.unisul.br. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  40. ^ ""Sete denúncias" sobre a Covid-19 e o sequestro da ciência". Jornal Plural. July 23, 2020.
  41. ^ a b Rocha, Joao Cezar de Castro (2021). Guerra cultural e retórica do ódio. Goiânia: Caminhos. [A] produtora Brasil Paralelo, fundada em 2016, representou para a chegada ao poder do bolsonarismo o papel que o IPES desempenhou na preparação do golpe civil-militar de 1964.
  42. ^ Buzalaf, Márcia Neme (2019). «A construção estereotipada do comunista na produção 1964 – o Brasil entre armas e livros» (PDF). In: Pelegrinelli, André Luiz Marcondes; Molina, Ana Heloisa; Silva, Gustavo do Nascimento. Anais do VII Encontro Nacional de Estudos da Imagem [e do] IV Encontro Internacional de Estudos da Imagem. Londrina: Universidade Estadual de Londrina. pp. 34–42. A utilização manipuladora de imagens fora de seus contextos, bem como o excesso de narração em off na condução do roteiro do filme, por si só são elementos que inviabilizam caracterizar 1964 como um documentário histórico. A falta de vínculos com entidades científicas de seus realizadores e entrevistados (que também podem ser considerados coprodutores, já que participam da estrutura do Brasil Paralelo) demonstra que a "caça aos comunistas" é uma construção estereotipada de um grupo sem nenhuma rigidez enquanto pesquisa acadêmica ou pesquisa documental, e que busca eternizar o mesmo discurso que antecedeu o golpe de 64. Um discurso retrógrado e que se propõe a ser revisionista quando, na verdade, se configura, de fato, como apenas mais uma propaganda política do mesmo temor que justificou atrocidades."
  43. ^ with the bias of the political right, specifically the New Right and Christianity
  44. ^ Pachá, Paulo (12 March 2019). "Why the Brazilian Far Right Loves the European Middle Ages". Pacific Standard.
  45. ^ "Deus vult: uma velha expressão na boca da extrema direita". April 30, 2019.
  46. ^ O documentário 1964: O Brasil entre Armas e Livros foi assistido por Bolsonaro no avião presidencial, enquanto ele retornava de viagem oficial a Israel. O momento foi divulgado em rede social por Felipe G. Martins.
  47. ^ "Paulo Ghiraldelli: "Petista faz auê, bolsominion é perturbado"". December 13, 2019.
  48. ^ Paulo, Diego (18 de maio de 2020). «Os mitos da Brasil Paralelo - Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil». diplomatique.org.br. Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil. Consultado em 7 de novembro de 2020
  49. ^ Borges, Ítlao Nelli (3 November 2019). "Revista Expedições: Teoria da História e Historiografia". Revista Expedições: Teoria da História e Historiografia (Issn 2179-6386). 10 (2): 152–166.
  50. ^ "SÉRIES Brasil Paralelo | Assista gratuitamente!". site.brasilparalelo.com.br.
  51. ^ "Série Congresso Brasil Paralelo | Assista gratuitamente". site.brasilparalelo.com.br.
  52. ^ "Brasil Paralelo". Archived from the original on December 21, 2016. Retrieved April 16, 2021.
  53. ^ Carvalho, Roldão Pires; Rovida, Mara. «Os Movimentos Milenaristas Modernos–Uma Análise Sobre o Discurso da Propaganda Ideológica» (PDF). XXIII Congresso de Ciências da Comunicação na Região Sudeste – Belo Horizonte - MG – 7 a 9/6/2018. Outras características no discurso apontam o milenarismo do movimento. Na realidade proposta pelo Brasil Paralelo é construída a teoria conspiratória de que as mídias e as escolas estão contaminando o imaginário popular.
  54. ^ "Opinião: Trilogia sobre educação mostra nova trincheira do bolsonarismo contra esquerda". Folha de S.Paulo. April 5, 2020.
  55. ^ "Trilogia Pátria Educadora | Assista gratuitamente". site.brasilparalelo.com.br.
  56. ^ "Retórica de guerra". VEJA.
  57. ^ a b c d "Documentário conservador critica combate à Covid e poupa Bolsonaro - Saída pela direita".
  58. ^ a b "Mensagens com conteúdo #FAKE sobre fraude em urnas eletrônicas se espalham nas redes". O Globo. October 6, 2018.
  59. ^ a b c "Vídeo com suspeitas sobre eleições de 2014 usou lei matemática que não prova fraude".
  60. ^ [2][dead link‍]
  61. ^ a b "Site engana ao dizer que não há restrições a jornalistas na posse de Bolsonaro | Aos Fatos". aosfatos.org.
  62. ^ CONTEÚDO, ESTADÃO. "TV ligada ao MEC exibirá série histórica com Olavo de Carvalho | Brasil | O Dia". odia.ig.com.br.
  63. ^ "Criticada por Bolsonaro por ser 'de esquerda', TV Escola exibiu documentário com Olavo de Carvalho". O Globo. December 16, 2019.
  64. ^ "O negacionismo histórico como arma política | DW | 03.04.2019". DW.COM.
  65. ^ "Cinemark emite nota de esclarecimento após exibição de filme sobre 1964". www.correiobraziliense.com.br.
  66. ^ a b Escorel, Eduardo (30 April 2019). "A direita na tela".
  67. ^ a b "'Netflix' dos bolsonaristas gastou R$ 328 mil em anúncios de Facebook e Instagram - Política".
  68. ^ A conta realizou duas edições nos dias 15 e 27 de julho de 2020: [Δ58772978] e [Δ58881656].
  69. ^ A versão sugerida foi: A Brasil Paralelo é uma empresa de comunicação, que tem como foco de atuação a produção de conteúdo informativo relacionado ao contexto social, político e econômico brasileiro, o qual é disponibilizado, quase que exclusivamente, pela Internet, por meio de seus perfis de redes sociais e/ou de sua própria página de internet (www.brasilparalelo.com.br). Tratando-se de uma empresa independente, apartidária e imparcial, e que se financia unicamente a partir de recursos próprios, o objetivo principal da Brasil Paralelo é oferecer ao público conteúdo essencialmente informativo com relação aos temas tratados, o que sempre faz com apoio em robusto arcabouço documental, examinado por uma equipe de mais de 30 especialistas. Tratam-se, portanto, de produções com incontestável credibilidade, sendo essa referida credibilidade um dos fatores que ensejam a audiência da qual goza a Brasil Paralelo perante o público em geral. O sucesso da Brasil Paralelo junto ao público decorre em grande parte da imparcialidade com que examina e analisa os temas que são objeto de seus conteúdos. Sendo uma empresa desvinculada de grupos políticos, a Brasil Paralelo tem plena liberdade para tratar temas políticos de forma imparcial, sem a necessidade de beneficiar “A” ou “B”, e sem qualquer tipo de restrição à realização de críticas a quem quer que seja. Reitere-se: o único objetivo da Brasil Paralelo é informar o público, de sorte que os seus conteúdos são totalmente despidos de qualquer ideologia política. Em suma, pretende a Brasil Paralelo revisitar a história do Brasil, sem alterá-la à sua própria vontade, mas derrubando o muro simbólico que permanece erigido nas narrativas legadas à nossa população, e que ainda polariza dicotomicamente a população de nosso país, especialmente no que tange à discussão político-partidária, que é de cunho reduzidamente democrático, lógico e parcimonioso.
  70. ^ Protecting a page is an extreme measure, normally reserved for cases in which usual editing processes are inadequate to maintain its integrity; for more information, see Wikipedia:Protection policy.
  71. ^ a b The company claims that the page was restricted to a single editor, this is impossible, according to the Portuguese-speaking Wikipedia's policy on protected pages. Due to successive changes in content contrary to the editing policy, the article has been temporarily protected for editing by non-self-confirmed users. The protections have been in place since October 2018 with the aim of containing non-constructive editions. The highest degree of protection ever applied to this page was between April and June 2019 for self-reviewing users, which restricted the edition to an audience of more than 800 users.
  72. ^ On the day the note was published, the version of the article was this.
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