Hindu Shahis

BRAHMANA HINDU SHAHIS of AFGHANISTAN

This article is about the history of the Kshatriya and Brahmana Hindu Shahi rulers of Southern Afghanistan. In this narration there is particular emphasis on the Kshatriya dynasty of Zabul (south-western Afghanistan) and the Brahmana Hindu Shahis of Kabul (ninth and tenth centuries) as these glorious chapters of Indian History have, surprisingly, not received adequate attention from the historians.

Hindu Kshatriyas held sway over the Kabul region of Afghanistan from as far back as the fourth century C. E. Allahabad Prashasti of the Gupta Emperor Samudragupta (335-375 CE) refers to these rulers by the phrase “Daivaputra Shahi-Shahanshahi-Shaka-murundahi”. The Chinese traveler Huen Tsang who crossed through Afghanistan in 630 CE found an able king of Kshatriya caste ruling over his extensive kingdom of Kapisha. He was powerful enough to bring under his control ten independent principalities. During that time Buddhism was on the wane and Hinduism (Brahamanism) on the ascendant, just as in the rest of India. He did not notice any Islamic wind till then

This long Kshatriya rule in Kabul is confirmed by Al Beruni also. :

The Hindus had kings residing in Kabul, Turks who were said to be of Tibetan origin. The first of them, Barhatakin … brought these countries under his sway and ruled them under the title of Shahis of Kabul. The rule remained under his descendants for generations, the number of which is said to be sixty… The last king of this race was Lagaturman, and his Vazir was Kallar, a Brahman … Lagaturman had bad manners and a worse behaviour, on account of which people complained of him greatly to the Vazir. Now the Vazir put him in chains and imprisoned him for correction, but then he himself found ruling sweet … and so he occupied the royal throne. After him ruled the Brahaman kings Samand (Samanta), Kamlu, Bhim, Jaypal, Anandapal, Trojanpal (Trilochanapala). The latter was killed in A.H. 412 (AD 1021) and his son Bhimapala five years later (AD 1026)… We must say that in all their grandeur, they never slackened in the ardent desire of doing which is good and right, that they were men of noble sentiment and noble bearing.

India had pushed back or completely indigenized various foreign invading hordes, without a trace of their ethnic origins. Knowledge about Turkish ethnicity of these Ksahatriya rulers in this frontier region of India was surviving because of their continuous rule there. Their ethnicity may be debated but they were Hindus of Kshatriya varna. There is no doubt on this score.

It is also a settled fact that ‘Shahi’ was a very popular royal title in that part of the Asian continent. Kings of Kabul were also renowned as the Kabul Shahis because of perpetual use of this title by them.

As stated above, Al Beruni refers to the ancient dynasty of which Lagaturman was the last ruler, as the ‘Shahis of Kabul’. The Brahmana dynasty that followed this Kshatriya dynasty also used the appellation Shahi. In Dewai Stone Inscription as also on the Gold coin issued by Bhimadeva, the third king after Kallar in Al Beruni’s list, is mentioned as Shahi Shri Bhimadeva Sanskrit literature also referred to them as Shahis, (Rajatarangini)

Thus we see that during the Early Medieval History (700-1000 CE) there were these two dynasties in Kabul: the (Kshatriya – Turk) Hindu dynasty, and the (Brahmana) Hindu dynasty which replaced it. Both used the title of Shahi. This clear position has, unfortunately, been unnecessarily confused by some researchers of the subject.

Details about these rulers have been assembled over a period of time from chronicles, coins and stone inscriptions by persevering researchers as no consolidated account of their history has become available. Fragmented knowledge had to be linked together by theories and suggestions. But occasionally there has been avoidable overplay. For example, during the recent decades it is being unjustly projected that the kings who followed Kallar were also Kshatriyas and not Brahmanas. This is being fallaciously attributed to a verse in Rajatarangini and this view is being repeated, without proper appraisal, due to the prestige of Pandit Kalahna’s work.

The Varna of Shahis of Kabul

That the kings of Shahi dynasty, replaced by Kallar, were indeed Kshatriyas is uncontested. There are no universally recognized appellations for referring to the pre-Kallar and post- Kallar dynasties. But (Turk) Hindu Shahis and (Brahmana) Hindu Shahis, respectively, is quite common and clearly understood

Efforts were made, earlier also, to apportion the Kshatriya varna to Kallar’s Brahamana successors on the basis of their name-endings, marriage alliances and even their ‘terrible valour’ at the battlefield. All these arguments were deemed untenable. However, in 1973, Yogendra Misra projected the view that according to Rajatarangini Hindu Shahis (meaning here post-Lagaturman kings) were also Kshatriyas. This is a serious misinterpretation and needs to be dealt with in some details to set the record straight.

Kalhana’s Rajatarangini covers the history of Kashmir over many centuries, a few of these corresponding to the rise and fall of several Shahi dynasties in Kabul and elsewhere. There are references to Shahis belonging to various dynasties as also prominent individuals having a Shahi name-suffix. With the sole exception of one case (marriage of daughter of Bhimadeva Shahi in a prominent Khash family of Kashmir - VI. 176-78) Kalhana does not identify the family, varna or religious faith of any of these. For serious readers we list below these references from Rajatarangini giving ruling period of the corresponding kings under whose rule these persons figure in the book.

A-Shahi princes in high posts in Kashmir(700-736) (verses IV. 142-43) Shahi princes Rudrapala and Diddapala (1028–1063) (VII. 143-53) Four arrogant Shahi princes from Shahi family (1063–1089) (VII. 275) Shahi princesses Bimba, Vasantalekha and others (VII. 1470 & 1551) B- Lalliya Shahi sovereign of Udabhanda (883-902) (V. 152-155)

    Tormana-Kamaluka (Shahi) Udabhanda                    (902-904) (V. 232-33)
    Thakkana Shahi (presumably ruler                  (958-972) (VI. 230)
    of some small neighbouring state)
    Trilochanapala Shahi   Nandna, Lahore                  (1003–1028) (VII. 47-69)

C- Illustrious Vidyadhar Shahi (?) (1089–1101) (VII. 913)

    Loshta Shahi  (?)                                      (1122–1123) (VIII. 1102)

As stated above these references to Shahis were dynasty and caste neutral. Neither Kalhana specified these attributes nor did he identify their respective families.

M. A. Stein’s translation of the related verses from Rajatarangini reads like this:

Because of our relationship with you, we were waited upon by ruling princes in all directions (during the course of our rebellion). It is from association with water of Ganga that the glass bottle is reverenced. (VIII. 3229)

Even to this day the appellation of Shahi sheds luster on an endless number of Kshatriyas abroad who lay claim to that lineage (VIII.3230).

The verse 3230, in question, simply conveys that many Kshatriyas elsewhere (digantre) (in search of legitimacy and respectable ancestry) are laying claim to their descent from the Shahis. Kalhana does not specify that they are seeking linkage with a particular Shahi family – having mentioned so many of them in his long narration. However, Yogendra Mishra interprets it in the following words:

“He (Kalhana) clearly says that there were a numberless host of Kshatriyas in his time who had appellation Shahi and traced their origin to that royal family. Thus in the opinion of Kalhana the Hindu Shahis* were Kshatriyas. (emphasis added)

Abdur Rahman concurring with Mishra’s view gives further unwarranted twists of his own to Kalhana’s statement:

Kalhana’s reference (VIII. 3230) to numerous Kshatriyas who lived in Kashmir but traced their origin to the royal family of Udabhandapura …” (emphasis added)

These interpretative twists are manifestly fallacious and erroneous. For example Bhatti Rajputs of Jaisalmer claim that they are descended from the Kshatriya Shahi royal family of Zabul (western Afghanistan) which successfully halted the march of Arab arms for a couple of centuries but were mauled by Yaqub-i-Laith (c. 870 CE). Their remnants may have found their way to Jaisalmer. But Zabul and Kabul were separate states when, earlier, Kallar usurped the throne of Kabul. Like the Bhattis, if some other Kshatriyas were also laying claim to Shahi lineage this fact, by itself, could not be interpreted to assign a Kshatriya varna to the Brahmana successors of Kallar. In fairness, Kalhana cannot be saddled with the erroneous view that the (Brahmana) Hindu Shahis of Udabhandapura were Kshatriyas.

Ethnicity of the Brahmana Shahis

With the explicit statement by Al Beruni that Vazir Kallar, and the seven kings who followed him up to Bhimapala, were Brahmanas there is no ground for doubting the varna of these kings. Al Beruni’s record is not only the earliest and nearest source of history of these Shahis but he was the contemporary of some of these Shahi Kings. Most part of his stay in India was in Lahore and he may have met Anandapala and Trilochanapala, son and grandson respectively of Jayapala. This view is supported by the later Muslim writers also. Ferishta has recorded “Jaipal the son of Hutpal, of the Brahman tribe reigned at that time over the country.” Mohammad bin Mansur also wrote, “Jaipal, King of Brahmans.” Whatever may be argued about other Muslim chroniclers, Al Beruni could not be accused of having confused while using the word Brahmana with which he was well acquainted. He had written knowledgeably, and in detail, about the four varnas of the Hindus (On the Castes, Called “Colours” (Varna) and On the Classes Below Them),, in his famous book commonly known as Al Beruni’s India.

When the gradually retreating Brahmana Shahis lost their sovereignty at the hands of the Ghaznavids in Punjab, their obdurate tribes did not fade away. Interestingly, some scholars have studied the continued Brahmanic link with some of the present day castes and have come up with illuminating results.

“Thus Raja Jaipal of Lahore who met Mahmud Ghaznavi twice in battle was a Muhiyal Brahman.” (T. P. Russel Stracey) “It is not impossible that the Brahman dynasty of Kabul sprang from a class of secular Brahmans from which the Mohyals may be descended.” (H. A. Rose.) C.V. Vaidya is definitely of the opinion that the Hindu Shahis* were Brahmanas. He has further highlighted that “the Mohyals who are a sub-sect of Sarasvata Brahmnas … claim with justice and propriety that Jaipal and Anandapal were Mohyal Brahmanas.” D.B. Pandey has expressed the view that, in the present state of our knowledge, the Hindu Shahis* were Brahma-Kshatras, who discarded the priestly profession for martial pursuits.”

The Mohyals

The Mohyals are an old non-priestly agro-martial Brahmana community with a tradition of preserving their clan histories. “The Mohyals have several customs which are in harmony with their secular professions. To each clan are, or should be, attached a purohit or family priest, a bhat or bard and a mirasi or genealogist.” Here it should suffice that the existence of an identifiable Brahman community descended from the Shahis should be a clinching argument about the Brahmana varna of Hindu Shahis* – a living proof of Al Beruni’s certification.

(* Here the phrase ‘Hindu Shahis’ refers to the Brahmana dynasties following Kallar - the seven kings listed in Al Beruni’s list. Their capital was at Kabul/ Udabhandapura)

Defence of Zabul by Kshatriya Shahis

At some stage the strong Hindu kingdom of Kapisha had split up. Its western part formed a separate state, renowned as the kingdom of Zabul. On the west it shared border with Iran. Sistan formed the frontier province of Zabul. It can be surmised that it was a family division because there were consanguineous and political relationships between the states of Kabul and Zabul. The dividing border could have been a little east of Ghazni, running north to south. There was comparative peace because, after the Huns, there were no foreign invasions. However, the situation changed when Islam appeared on the world scene. Arab raiding parties often penetrated deep in to Afghanistan and took back slaves and other booty. But annexation of territory was indeed slow, frustrating the Arabs then used to rapid acquisitions everywhere else. However, we shift our focus to the end of the seventh century.

In 698, Al Hajjaj the powerful governor at Iraq sent a well equipped army under his experienced general Ubaidullah “to lay waste the Zutbil’s lands destroy his forts and kill and enslave the people”. He was peremptorily ordered not to turn back until he had subjugated the whole kingdom. “Artfully retiring the Rutbil drew the Mohammedan army into the defiles and blocking off the rear, cut off its retreat. Ubaidullah was compelled to buy his liberation by payment of seven hundred thousand dirhams.” He had to promise never to raid the Rutbil’s territory again. He died of grief at the plight of his soldiers. (The traditional title of the kings of Zabul has been stated as Rutbil – variously read as Zutbil, Zunbil, Runthel etc. in Muslim chronicles. The original Sanskrit could be Rattan Pal)

In 700-701, Abdur Rehman bin Mohammed bin Ashta was dispatched with forty thousand men to retrieve the Muslim honour. He was able to collect considerable booty but failed to have any territorial gains – thus incurring the displeasure of Hajjaj. Exasperated by the threats of super session he determined to carry arms against his master and, in order to strengthen his power, conducted a treaty with the enemies of faith (Rutbil) that the latter would afford him asylum in the event of the failure of his campaign against the caliph. After some initial successes, Abdur Rehman was at the end compelled to seek the protection of his Hindu ally. Sustained political intervention of the Rutbil brought the Islamic expansion to a halt and he had made Sistan an ‘ill-omened frontier’ for the Arabs. In folklore Rutbil became the hero of many Arab stories of holy wars on the frontier of Hind. Gradually, the Arabs - the ruling caliphs - ceased to be a powerful political force and Rutbils ruled in comparative peace for another one hundred and fifty years.

Islamic Kingdoms in the Shahi neighbourhood.

The SAMANID and the SAFFARIDS

In theory, the caliph as the successor of the Prophet was the fountainhead of all political authority. Kings and all tribal chiefs were subordinate to him and his sanction alone could provide legal basis for their authority. With the waning of political might of the caliphate, its governors in Khurasan set up their own strong kingdom – the Samanid dynasty (c. 819-1005) – controlling regions west and north of Koh Hindu Kush up to Balkh. Under the loosely centralized feudal government of the Samanids, Transoxiana and Khurasan prospered with a notable expansion of industry and commerce. Samanids were great art patrons and they turned Bukhara and Samarkand in to famous cultural centres, rivaling Baghdad.

Yaqub-i-Lais the ‘Saffar’, an upstart from Sistan, established himself as the Amir of Sistan (r. 867-879) and became too powerful to be controlled by the Samanids or the caliph. However, with all his power, Yaqub failed to subdue the neighbouring Hindu kingdom of Zabul under Rutbil, the Kshatriya Shahi ruler. In 870 he maneuvered to assassinate Rutbil by treachery on the ruse of paying homage and negotiating peace. “The victory that Yaqub attained was the result of treachery and deception such as no one had ever committed”. (Nuruddin Mohammad ’Ufi)

Hindu India had, thus, lost Zabulistan - its frontier state west of Ghazni - which had protected it from the world conquering Arabs for more than two centuries. Instead, Kabulistan became its north-western buffer state. It would also play a role as heroic as Zabulistan but, perhaps lulled by this long spell of security, India failed to protect itself when the Islamic whirlwind reached the mainland.

The Brahmana Hindu Shahi Dynasty of Kabul KALLAR AND SAMANTADEVA

As stated by Al Beruni, Kallar a Brahmana Vazir, had taken control of the kingdom of Kabul. He ruled under the name Spalapatideva which he used on his ‘Bull and Horseman’ type of coins. Like the Romans and the Kushanas, he used coinage as the medium of manifestation of his royal power and the following points need to be highlighted:

(i) A new legend Spalapatideva on the coins declared the fact of change in the government, further proclaiming who was in command of it. (ii) The humped bull (nandi, a vahna of Shiva), the trident, the conch shell and deva name-ending showed the new rulers were devotees of Shaivism –conveying a conclusive break with the previous state-patronised Buddhism. (iii) The ruler riding on horseback and holding a raised weapon (lance) as inscribed on the reverse of the Shahi coins, tended to convey a strong message about the might of the new administration. (iv) For the first time, Sharada script was used on the Shahi coins, which practice was continued by his successors.

Kallar i.e. Spalapatideva proved to be an able and competent administrator. With appropriation of government by him, an era of sound economy and stable political power was introduced in the Shahi state. The menace of periodic Arab incursions came to an end. As a devout Brahmana he was of a religious nature (Shaiva) and governed like an efficient Kshatriya – being correctly described as a Brahma-Kshatra.

According to The Mazare Sharif Inscription of the Time of the Shahi Ruler Veka, recently discovered from northern Afghanistan and reported by the Taxila Institute of Asian Civilisations, Islamabad, Veka (sic.) conquered northern region of Afghanistan ‘with eight fold forces’ and ruled there. He established a Shiva temple there which was inaugurated by Parimaha Maitya (the Great Minister). He also issued copper coins of the Elephant and Lion type with the legend Shri Vakkadeva.

Nine principal issues of Bull and Horseman silver coins and only one issue of corresponding copper coins of Spalapatideva have become available. As many as five Elephant and Lion type of copper coins of Shri Vakkadeva are available and curiously the copper issues of Vakka are contemporaneous with the silver issues of Spalapati.

It is a reasonable surmise that recognizing the qualities, as a commander and administrator, of Vakkadeva his sovereign Spalaptideva of Kabul groomed him as a cadet prince and let him issue copper coins to be used as small change with his own silvers, in the whole kingdom. He ceased to issue his own copper coins. Spalapatideva continued as a Vazir and anointed this ‘tried in war veteran’ (jang aazmooda) as the king. Vakkadeva took the name Samantadeva and issued Bull and King-on-Elephant silver commemorative coins on his coronation. His Bull and Horseman silver coins gained popularity far and wide among the mercantile classes. His name ‘became so celebrated that we find it upon the coins of successors, down to the Mohammadan conquest of Delhi in 1192 and the coins of Rai Pithora. E. Thomas describes Samantadeva as the greatest of the earlier (Brahmana) Hindu Shahis. Al Beruni has not included the name of Vakkadeva in his list of Kallar’s successors because, although an issuer of copper coins, he was only a governor within the sovereignty of Kabul.

Kabul Town Not Attacked

Yaqub not only killed the Rutbil of Zabul but he moved around the Koh Hindu Kush, like a tornado, destroying several ruling chiefs. He also raided Balkh and ruined the famous temple Naushad there. Historians are not agreed about the exact route followed by him but he did occupy Panjshir (c. 872-73) and he struck his coins there. That he considered it important enough to proclaim his control over a town other than the capital city of the Shahi kingdom should be enough indication that Kabul was not in his possession. On return from his campaign he sent highly valuable objects to Caliph Mutmid (870-92). It is stated that these included gold and silver ‘idols from Kabul’. This has led to many baseless assertions leading to serious distortions in the history of Shahis – including a conjecture that Shahis lost their capital town of Kabul to Yaqub and hence they shifted to Udabhandapura (also known as Waihind, Ohind or Und), situated about 14 miles above Attock on the right bank of river Sindh.

On his way back from Balkh, Yaqub is stated to have attacked Kabul. “Whether the word Kabul stands here for the city in particular or Kabul valley in general, is not clearly stated. The sequence of events, however, suggests that latter was probably the case”. (Abdur Rahman). As we know, Shahis had a governor in Northern Afghanistan. Invasion of this province was an attack on (the state of) Kabul and the idols, say from the Shiva temple established by Vakkadeva would verily be ‘idols from Kabul’. There is no indication of a direct battle between Yaqub and the king of Kabul, which event could not go unreported. The continued grandeur of the Shahi king during this period confirms that he had not been mauled by any invader.

It was some time during this period that the Shahis shifted their capital from Kabul to Udabhandapura. With Muslim occupation of Zabulistan, the Shahis had lost the buffer for attacks from that side. Udabhandapura was protected by the intervening mountains and the Khyber Pass. This location could ensure safe lines of communication from neighbouring Hindu kingdoms of northern India. It was the first entrepot in Afghanistan for the trade caravans coming from India and it was as necessary to secure this town as the next trading post of Kabul – which of course continued to remain under their control. Subsequent history justifies this strategic move. Of his two sons Samantadeva appointed one as the governor of Kabul and the other helped him at Udabhandapura.

The Illustrious Shahi Ruler of Udabhandapura

Samantadeva is to be recognized as the Lalliya Shahi of Rajatarangini which gives a colourful description of this Shahi ruler:

Allakhana’s support, the illustrious Lalliya Shahi – who (placed) between the rulers of the Darads and Turushkas as between a lion and a boar … in whose town of Udabhanda other kings found safety … whose mighty glory (outshoned) the kings in the North …

It is ridiculous to presume that this illustrious Shahi, under whom other kings of the north sought refuge, was not in control of his capital town of Kabul.

KAMALAVARMAN

According to Al Beruni, Samanta was succeeded by Kamlu (Kamalavarman). There are two important references about him in ancient chronicles. After the death of Yaqub-i-Lais, his brother Amr-i-Lais took over the Saffarid kingdom, which still controlled Zabulistan. He kept clear of the neighbouing (Brahmana) Shahis but a governor sent by him to Zabulistan created a piquant situation. We reproduce here from Jami ul Hikayat of Mohammad 'Ufi:

 It is related that Amru Lais conferred the governorship of Zabulistan on Fardaghan and sent him there at the head of four thousand horse. There was a large Hindu place of worship in that country, which was called Sakawand, and people used to come on pilgrimage from the most remote parts of Hindustan to the idols of that place. When Fardaghan arrived in Zabulistan he led his army against it, took the temple, broke the idol in pieces, and overthrew the idolaters. Some of the plunders he distributed among the troops, the rest he sent to Amru Lais, informing him of the conquest, and asking for reinforcements.

When the news of the fall of Sakawand reached Kamlu, who was Rai of Hindustan, he collected an innumerable army and marched towards Zabulistan. Upon hearing of this march, Fardaghan secured several Hindus and sent them to Hindustan. These men entered the camp of Kamlu and reported him that when Fardaghan had conquered Sakawand, he immediately dispatched people to different quarters of the country, calling for additional forces, knowing that the Hindu would certainly endeavour to take revenge. The result was that an army of Mohammedans had been collected around him, such as would, coerce the very ends of the earth. Behind him also the army of Amru Lais was advancing. When Rai Kamlu heard this intelligence, he halted where he was and was very cautious in his movements. In the meantime, Fardaghan received reinforcements from Khurasan, such that the enemy had not the power to cope with. By this ingenious device he succeeded in his object. (emphasis added)

Kamalavarman attacks Ghazni

Reliable evidence has now become available indicating that this oft-quoted narration by ‘Ufi was short of the ‘whole truth’. Kamlu did not stop in his tracks by Fardaghan’s ingenious propaganda. Tarikh-i-Sistan illuminates the history of this period differently. Amr-i-Lais’s pre-occupation with affairs in Khurasan and the provocative action of his newly appointed governor of Ghazni, prompted two Indian Kings (Rai of Hindustan), whose names reported in very corrupt form have been restored as Ashta and Tormana, to take firm retaliatory measures. They combined their forces and launched a united invasion of Ghazni. Fardaghan is said to have opposed the Hindu army. The Tarikh does not tell us whether the city of Ghazni was actually occupied by the victors at this stage or the name Ghazni stands for the province of Zabulistan, and not the city of Ghazni. The news of this invasion reached Amr when he was in Gurgan on his way to his last encounter with Ismail. In April 900 Amr was decisively defeated and sent as a prisoner to Baghdad where he breathed his last. He must have passed through Gurgan only a couple of months before his defeat. Thus Kamlu’s invasion of Zabulistan can safely be placed in the beginning of 900 at the latest.

Having successfully dealt with the Saffarids, Ashta (the governor of Kabul) appears to have stayed back and maneuvered a ‘palace coup’. He seized the Shahi throne at Udabhandapura, dislodging his brother Kamalavarman but the state of Kashmir intervened. Rajatarangini records that Prabhakaradeva the Koshadhyaksha (Superintendent of Treasury) led a victorious expedition against the Shahi power at the town of Udabhandapura and bestowed the kingdom of the rebellious Shahi (ajna atikrami Shahi – a Shahi violator of order) upon Tormana, Lalliya’s son and gave him the new name Kamaluka. This may have happened in 903 during the reign of child king Gopalavarman (r. 902-904) ruling under the guardianship of his mother Sugandha.

Kamaluka has been identified as Kamalavarman , son of Lalliya (Samantadeva). Like his father, Kamalavarman fully protected the Shahi state from the neighbouring Muslim kingdoms. As stated already he took vigorous action to chastise the Saffarid governor for desecrating the Hindu idols at Sakawand – situauted outside his own kingdom. He could get back his throne of Udabhanda with help from Kashmir and continued to rule up to c. 921. He was succeeded by his son, Bhimadeva, in a smooth succession.

BHIMADEVA

The supreme sovereign, superior king of great kings and supreme lord the Shahi, the illustrious Bhimadeva, who holds the mace and is sprung from Kula Kamalavarman …

This is how Bhimadeva, son and successor of Kamalavarma, is described in the Dewai Stone Inscription. Another stone inscription – Hund Slab Inscription of the Time of Jayapaladeva - praises the valour of Bhimadeva in glowing terms. It states that “to the north of the (sacred river) Indus there is a (city) by the name of Udabhanda” … “wherein dwelt the chief of Kings, Bhima, of terrible valour, by whom having conquered his enemies’ troops the earth was protected”. “The king of that (country) is now Jayapaladeva”

Muslim chronicles do not record any conflict in which Bhimadeva conquered enemies’ troops but there is reliable evidence that Bhimadeva took effective measures to maintain an impressive level of preparedness by equipping his cavalry and other fighting forces. He gave an image of Vaikuntha from Kailash to Mahipala, the Pratihara King of Kannauj (r. 914-948) and obtained from him a force composed of elephants and horses. Later this image was installed in a beautiful temple at Khujaraho by King Yashovarman.

Hindu Rule at Ghazni

During the reign of Kamalavarman, the Saffarid rule weakened precipitately and ultimately Sistan became a part of the Samanid Empire. Disorder generally prevailed and the control of Zabulistan changed hands frequently. Taking advantage of the situation, the Shahis stepped up activities on their western frontier. The result was the emergence of a small Hindu power at Ghazni, supported by the Shahis. “The authorities either themselves of early date or enshrining early information mention Lawik” who was a pagan (Hindu) as the ruler at Ghazni, before this place was taken over by the Turkish slave governor of the Samanids.

By the middle of the tenth century Turkish slaves began to acquire power in the Samanid realm, as they were holding principal offices in the court and kingdom. One of these, Alaptagin, a former Hajib or Door Keeper, defeated the superior royal army near Khulm Pass and decided to carve out an independent kingdom for himself. He first took over Bamian ‘the country of infidel (Hindu) Shir Barak’. He next turned to Ghazni where Lawik, its ruler, submitted after a prolonged siege of four months. Alaptagin thus became the undisputed master of Ghazni but he died soon thereafter and his son Abu Ishaq succeeded him in 963.

Substitution of Hindu potentates of Bamian and Ghazni by an emerging Turkish power posed a serious threat for the Shahi kingdom which acted with ‘remarkable alacrity’ at this stage. The Lawik was sent back to Ghazni with a huge army which ousted the Turks and sent Abu Ishaq flying to Bukhara. The Shahis had secured their western frontier – for the time being. But the gathering storm had not blown away.

Bhimadeva and Kashmir Bhimadeva had only one daughter and no son. This daughter was married to “King Simhraja, the lord of Lohara and other strongholds.” Lohara or Lohkot was a strong hill fort strategically located on the south-western border of Kashmir, near an entrance (mountain pass) to Kashmir. Simhraja was ruling that region, broadly identified by modern Punch and Rajauri. The fort is now in ruins and its site is in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. Didda, the daughter of Simharaja, out of the wedlock was married to Kshemgupta the King of Kashmir (r.950-958). ‘Illustrious Bhimashahi’, the maternal grandfather of this queen, built a richly endowed temple, Bhima Keshava, near Martand in Kashmir. “It is an indication of Bhima Shahi’s power that he created a temple bearing his name in the adoptive country of his grand daughter.”

End of Bhimadeva

The Shahi state had successfully managed to ward off danger from the strong neighbouring kingdom of the Samanids for more than a century. That Muslim kingdom was gradually decaying but its ambitious Turk officers were acquiring power and setting up personal fiefdoms, menacing the Hindu states south of Koh Hindu Kush. Though ruling with grandeur, unmolested by any neighbouring kingdom, Bhimadeva was getting old and must have been weighing his options in the matter of succession, because he did not have a male heir. The Shahi kingdom was strong and prosperous but not easy to govern - and protect. He could not count either on the Lawiks or his grand daughter Didda of Kashmir for this onerous responsibility. He selected the allied kingdom of Punjab for this honour and probably installed a successor in his own life time for the succession seems to have been without ‘contest or convulsion’.

As a devout Brahmana he decided to dedicate himself to God Shiva by committing ritual suicide like many other devotees – savants and sovereigns – before him. The Hund Slab Inscription states (verse viii) that Bhima, King of Udabhanda, was “burnt up by himself (i.e. by Shiva) through (Shiva’s) desire and not through the terrible enemy.”

JAYAPALADEVA

Barikot inscription Om Swasti 100 Parambhattarka maharajadhiraja parameshvara Shri Jayapaladevarajye Shri Vajrasthane …

Om ! Hail  ! in the reign of the supreme sovereign, the superior king of great kings and supreme lord, the illustrious Jayapaladeva, at holy Vajarasthan …

Hund Slab Inscription of the Time of Jayapaladeva To the north of Indus, which is a mass pf complete merit here on earth, there is a (city) by name Udabhanda, which has been made their home by learned, men forming communities … therein dwelt the chief of kings, Bhima, of terrible valour …the king of that country is now Jayapaladeva, who through his body, origin and birth, has become the sole hero. …

According to Al Beruni, Bhima was succeeded by Jayapala. But who was Jayapala? And what was their mutual relationship? Bhima was ruling south-west of river Sindh but the kingdom of Jayapala extended from Sirhind to Kabul: what accounts for this sudden territorial expansion? Here we quote Raizada Hari Chand Vaid:

“When this valiant ruler (Bhima Shahi) died without a male heir, his kingdom came under the domination of Maharaja Prithvipala, ruler of Punjab. Although the Muslims were ruling all over Khurasan, no one dared to oppose him.” Prithvipala died after one year and his son Jayapala succeeded to this combined kingdom of Punjab and Kabul. The family of Jayapala belonged to another fraternal tribe of martial Brahmanas.

With Jayapala, a new dynasty started ruling over the former Shahi kingdom of south- eastern Afghanistan and the change over was smooth and consensual. On his coronation, Jayapala used the additional name-suffix deva from his predecessor’s dynasty in addition to the pala name-ending of his own family. (With Kabul lost during the lifetime of Jayapaladeva, his successors – Anandapala, Trilochanapala and Bhimapala - reverted to their own family pala-ending names.) Jayapala did not issue any coins in his own name. Bull and Horseman coins with the legend Samantadeva, in billon, seem to have been struck during Jayapala’s reign. As the successor of Bhima, Jayapala was a Shahi monarch of the state of Kabul, which now included the Punjab. Minhaj-ud-din describes Jayapala as “the greatest of the Rais of Hindustan.”

From the beginning Jayapala followed an aggressive and pro-active policy towards the Turks. As stated earlier, Abu Ishaq had been evicted from Ghazni and the Lawiks were installed there with Shahi help. In 965, Abu Ishaq regained Ghazni with assistance from the Samanid ruler Abu Mansur and the Lawik fled to ‘Hind’ once again to seek help from the Shahis. Ultimately, Sabuktagin descended the throne of Ghazni in 977. He soon added Bust, Dawar, Qusdar, Tukhristan and Ghur to his dominions. Conflict with ‘Hind’ could not have been postponed for two long.

Jayapala Attacks Sabuktagin

Sabuktagin was gradually nibbling at the border territories of the kingdom of Udabhanda. Jayapala decided to push back the Turks and put an end to this menace. “He arose with his relations and generals of his army, and his vassals, and hastened with his huge elephants to wreak his revenge upon Sabuktagin, trusting to his own resources and power.” (Utbi) Sabuktagin came out to face the Hindu army and they fought for several days (c. 986-87). Then there was a natural calamity. “Instantly the sky lowered and lightening, wind and hail succeeded turning the day into night and spreading horror and destruction around; in so much that a great part of the cattle and thousands of soldiers of both armies perished.” (Ferishta) Terms of peace were then negotiated and Jayapala failed in his mission to destroy the Turkish state at Ghazni.

In retaliation, Sabuktagin later marched on Lamghan, a city celebrated for its wealth, inside the Shahi dominion. He plundered the whole territory and Lamgham was incorporated into Sabuktagin’s kingdom. Most probably, the Shahis lost Kabul at this stage.

Jayapaladeva Again Attacks Sabuktagin

Jayapaladeva determined to fight once more and regain his position. He collected a large army and Sabuktagin advanced to face him. It was a fierce battle. “Men and officers mingled in close conflict, and all other arms were useless except the sword.” At the end Jayapala was defeated. He lost more territory but continued to rule from Waihind and Peshawar.

Despite his victories Sabuktagin must have realized that Jayapala was a formidable foe. He got more involved in the affairs of the Samanid state and left the Shahis in peace. He became very powerful in the Samanid Kingdom by virtue of his strong and disciplined army. Sabuktagin died at Balkh in 997 at the age of fifty six. After a struggle for succession with brothers, his son Mahmud ascended the throne of Ghazni in 998. Mahmud first consolidated his position on his western front, even if he had to challenge the authority of his Samani over-lord. Soon he had control over Herat, Balkh, Bust and Khurasan. Recognising his power, the Caliph of Baghdad acknowledged him as a sovereign in his own right and conferred high sounding titles on him. The Ghaznavids had thus acquired a status equal to their former masters – the Samanids. The balance of power had been gradually tilting in favour of Ghazni.

First confrontation with Mahmud Ghaznavi

In September 1001 Mahmud collected a large army and marched towards Hind. On reaching Peshawar he pitched his tents outside the city and formed special contingents of war-hardened men and officers. According to Utbi, Jayapala also fielded a large force ‘but tarried hoping to receive re-inforcements which were on their way.’ Realising the damage of further delay, Mahmud took initiative and attacked with full force. A fierce conflict followed and lasted in full fury till noon. Mahmud was victorious (November 27, 1001). Jayapala, fifteen members of his family and numerous officers were taken prisoners. Immense booty was obtained. According to Utbi, five hundred thousand beautiful men and women were taken as slaves. Jayapala was humiliated by mingling with ordinary prisoners and put to auction. Mahmud advanced further into Shahi territory and occupied the Shahi capital of Udabhanda. Utbi states that Mahmud had to face resistance from the people even after the forced entry of the Muslims into the city. The royal prisoners were released on the payment of a large ransom provided by Anandapala, son of Jayapala, who was administering the Shahi domain south of the river Indus. Mahmud returned to Ghazni in the next spring.

Having advanced in years Jayapala did not forget his quest for moksha (salvation after death-birth cycles) which is the ultimate ambition of every Hindu. To this end he decided to terminate his life by committing ritual suicide as a meritorious act. Jayapaladeva lit his own pyre, probably at the same hallowed spot sanctified earlier where Bhimadeva ‘was burnt up by himself through Shiva’s desire.’

One of the odes of Unsuri, the court poet of Mahmud Ghaznavi, describes the power of Jaypala in these words: “Thou hast heard the account of Jaipal, the king of Hindustan, who was exalted above the chiefs of the world. His army was more numerous than the stars of heaven … His soldiers had so imbrued their hand in blood, that their swords were as red as the morning dawn … Sense fled from brain at fear of him; and the light of eye was confounded.”

This was a graceful and sublime exit by a brave but unfortunate Jayapaladeva from an action filled life. He was confident enough of his military prowess to have embarked on repeated invasions against the Turkish state of Ghazni. One cannot but appreciate the incessant exertions of this lone crusader to defend the north-western border of India for almost half a century. That the dice of fate was cast against him does not detract from the immensity of his vigilant efforts in trying to check the march of Turkish armies into India.

India thus lost Afghanistan, not to be regained again. With the defeat of Shahis of Kabul, the balance of power was completely upset. The Sultanate of Ghazni threatened every kingdom between the Oxus and the Ganges and destroyed or molested them.

How does one explain that such a significant chapter of history is not included in the accounts written by medieval and modern historians? A Muslim historian was candid about it. Abdul-Qadir ibn-i-Muluk Shah, commonly known as Al Badaoni, has written a History of India, which he calls 'Muntakhabu-t-Twarikh' (Selections from History). He begins with Sabuktagin of Ghazni ignoring the protracted struggle of Islam in that region and he explains his reason for it. Briefly alluding to Mohammad bin Qasim “who conquered the countries of Sindh, Multan and Gujrat”, Badaoni adds “after him the affairs of Islam in that country lost all order”. But, “the first of the Emperors of Islam who were the cause of the conquest of Hindustan were Nasiru-d-din Subuktigin whose son was Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi ... and in the reign of whose sons Lahore became the seat of Government, so that Islam never again lost its hold on that country – accordingly I deemed it right to commence the history with an account of that monarch whose end was glorious.” (emphasis added) Thus a Mohammedan historian had his reasons to skip the earlier ‘not so glorious’ struggles of Islamic arms in Afghanistan, when the commanders repeatedly sent by the Caliphs occasionally faced defeat and at least one of them turned hostile on being reprimanded. Afghanistan south of Koh Hindu Kush remained independent for long and Al Badaoni did not find the history of those earlier centuries pleasant enough to be placed on record. In their turn, the British colonial rulers of India were very comfortable with beginning the Muslim History of India with the narration of Mahmūd Ghaznavi’s repeated incursions and India meekly suffering them, followed by more successful occupation by Mohammad Ghauri – without any reference to the earlier heroic resistance in defending the Khyber Pass for several centuries. Then the Islamic Rule was followed by the British. Indians were to host them also – which should appear to be their tradition! A conquered nation should not know anything from its past that would inculcate self esteem and self pride. For this, an ingenuous line of thinking was invoked. “In time, however, the purity of the Aryan race had succumbed to the enervating effects of an intolerable climate and insidious social system. Hence no serious resistance had been offered either to the thrust of Islam or to the advent of colonial powers. India had slumped into seemingly irredeemable decadence and degeneracy,” This pattern of constant invasions excused their presence and feeling of Indians being a castrated nation tended to ensure a trouble free colonial rule.

External links

• [1]
• Pre-Ghaznavid History Of Punjab
• History of the Punjab