| image_map2_caption = Territory of the Hindu Shahis with neighbouring polities circa 1000. [[Kabul]], first capital, with [[Udabhandapura|Udabhanda]] and [[Lahore]]<ref>{{cite book |last1=Schwartzberg |first1=Joseph E. |title=A Historical atlas of South Asia |date=1978 |publisher=University of Chicago Press |location=Chicago |page=146, map XIV.2 (j)|isbn=0226742210 |url=https://dsal.uchicago.edu/reference/schwartzberg/pager.html?object=183}}</ref>
The '''Hindu Shahis''', also referred to as the '''Kabul Shahis''' and '''Uḍi Śāhis''', were a Rajputa dynasty established between 843 CE and 1026 CE. They endured multiple waves of conquests for nearly two centuries and their core territory was described as having contained the regions of Eastern [[Afghanistan]] and [[Gandhara]], encompassing the area up to the [[Sutlej]] river in modern day [[Punjab]], expanding into the [[Kangra Valley]]. The empire was founded by Kallar in {{circa|843 CE}} after overthrowing Lagaturman, the last [[Turk Shahis|Turk Shahi]] king.
The history of the Hindu Shahis begins in 843 CE with Kallar deposing the last [[Turk Shahis|Turk Shahi]] ruler, Lagaturman. Samanta succeeded him, and it was during his reign that the region of [[Kabul]] was lost to the [[Persianate]] [[Saffarid empire]].<ref name=":1" /> Lalliya replaced Samanta soon after and re-conquered Kabul whilst also subduing the region of [[Zabulistan]].<ref name=":2" /><ref name=":3" /> He is additionally noteworthy for coming into conflict with [[Sankaravarman|Samkaravarman]] of the [[Utpala dynasty]], resulting in his victory and the latter's death in [[Hazara region|Hazara]].<ref name=":4" /> Bhimadeva, the next notable ruler, is most significant for vanquishing the [[Samanid Empire]] in Ghazni and Kabul in response to their conquests.<ref name=":5" /> Jayapala then gained control and was brought into conflict with the newly formed [[Ghaznavid Empire]], however, he was eventually defeated. During his rule and that of his son and successor, Anandapala, the kingdom of [[Lahore]] was conquered. The following Shahi rulers all resisted the Ghaznavids but were ultimately unsuccessful, resulting in the downfall of the empire in 1026 CE.
== Sources ==
'''BRAHMANA HINDU SHAHIS of AFGHANISTAN'''
=== Literature ===
''This article is about the history of the [[Kshatriya]] and [[Brahmana]] [[Hindu]] [[Shahi]] rulers of [[Southern Afghanistan]]. In this narration there is particular emphasis on the Kshatriya dynasty of [[Zabul]] (south-western [[Afghanistan]]) and the Brahmana Hindu Shahis of [[Kabul]] (ninth and tenth centuries) as these glorious chapters of Indian History have, surprisingly, not received adequate attention from the historians''.
No literature survives from Hindu Shahi courts. Unlike the case of Turk Shahis, only fragmented information can be obtained from chronicles of neighboring powers — Kashmir and [[Ghaznavids|Ghaznavi]].{{sfn|Khan|2017}}{{Efn|Rehman hypothesizes that the frontier states were splintering from the Caliphate during the rise of Hindu Shahis and had better things to worry about.}} Of the former, Kalhana's [[Rajatarangini]] (1148-1149) is the only extant source.{{sfn|Khan|2017}} Of the latter, there are Tārīkh al-Hind by [[Al-Biruni]] (c. 1030), [[Tarikh-i Bayhaqi|Tārīkh-i Bayhaqī]] by Abu'l-Faḍl Bayhaqi (c. late 11th century),{{Efn|He had another work ''Tarikh-i-Yamini'' dealing with the subject; it is lost.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=}}}} Zayn al-Akhbar by [[Abu Sa'id Gardezi]], and [[Tarikh Yamini|Kitab-i Yamini]] by al-Utbi (c. 1020).{{sfn|Khan|2017}}{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=89}}{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=}}
=== Coins ===
Hindu Kshatriyas held sway over the Kabul region of Afghanistan from as far back as the fourth century C. E. ''Allahabad Prashasti'' of the [[Gupta]] Emperor [[Samudragupta]] (335-375 CE) refers to these rulers by the phrase ''“Daivaputra Shahi-Shahanshahi-Shaka-murundahi”''.<ref>"John Faithful Fleet, (1838) ''Gupta Inscriptions'', Calcutta, p. 8."</ref> The Chinese traveler [[Huen Tsang]] who crossed through Afghanistan in 630 CE found an able king of Kshatriya caste ruling over his extensive kingdom of [[Kapisha]]. He was powerful enough to bring under his control ten independent principalities. During that time [[Buddhism]] was on the wane and [[Hinduism]] ([[Brahamanism]]) on the ascendant, just as in the rest of [[India]].<ref>"Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India, Vol. I, pp. 122-23. (The capital town of Kapisha was situated 60 miles north of Kabul.)"</ref> He did not notice any Islamic wind till then<ref>"Olaf Caroe, ''The Pathahns'', p. 94."</ref>
[[File:Coins of the Shahis 8th century.jpg|290px|thumb|right|Some of the earliest coinage of the Hindu Shahis. ''Obverse'': Recumbent bull, with [[Nagari script|Nagari]] legend:<br>[[File:Nagari1035 shrii.jpg|18px]]<sub>[[File:Nagari1035 spa.jpg|15px]]</sub>[[File:Nagari1035 l.svg|15px]][[File:Nagari1035 p.svg|15px]][[File:Nagari1035 ti.jpg|13px]] ''Sri Spalapati''<br>''Reverse'': horserider with corrupted [[Bactrian script]]:<br>'''ςρι ςπaλaπaτι''' ''Sri Spalapati''<br>i.e. "Lord Commander-in-chief".{{sfn|Allchin|2019|p=458–459}}]]
The Hindu Shahis issued silver [[jital coin]]age which underwent wide circulation from nearby [[Sindh]]{{sfn|Flood|2018|p=38}} to northeastern Europe.{{sfn|Flood|2018|p=25}} They were first "discovered" by [[James Tod]], a British orientalist in 1822.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=190}} These coins exhibit progressive debasement with time, with a regular decrease of silver content, allowing for the sequencing of the coinage.{{sfn|MACDOWALL|1968}} Early issues do not mention personal names but only generic titles, thereby not matching with the names found from literature.{{sfn|Khan|2017|p=23}} The characteristic motif of a horseman on the reverse with a bull on the obverse goes back to the [[Indo-Scythian]] ruler [[Azes I]].
=== Inscriptions and archaeology ===
This long Kshatriya rule in Kabul is confirmed by [[Al Beruni]] also.<ref>"E. C. Sachau, Tr. ''Al Beruni’s India'', Vol. II, p. 13.</ref> :
A. R. Rahman of the [[Quaid-i-Azam University]] and [[Ahmad Hasan Dani]] did rudimentary field surveys in the late 1960s.{{sfn|Khan|2017}} Afterwards, the Italian Archaeological Mission in Pakistan (IAMP) extensively surveyed the regions in and around [[Swat District|Swat]].{{sfn|Khan|2017}} In 1996, Khan and Meister obtained a license from Department of Archaeology for an "integrated study of Hindu-Śāhi sites"; excavation at Kafir-kot and field-surveys of the [[Salt Range]] were engaged in with aid from the [[University of Pennsylvania]] and the American Institute of Pakistan Studies.{{sfn|Meister|2010|p=9}}
Inscriptions remain scarce.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=218}} Mostly found in [[Udabhanda]], they either commemorate the commissioning of temples or are affixed at the base of idol-pedestals.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=218}} Of the former kind—[[Mir Ali, Pakistan|Mir Ali]] Inscription, [[Dewal Manal|Dewal]] Inscription, Dewai Inscription, Ratnamanjari Inscription, Veka Inscription, Hund Stone Inscription, Kamesvaridevi Inscription, Barikot Inscription, and Isvara Inscription—most are disfigured to various extents due to their use as grinding stones in medieval times and are decipherable only in parts.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=218}}{{sfn|Khaw|2016}} The latter kind is relatively abundant but only provides snippets of trivia.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=218}} The language is exclusively [[Sharada script|Sharda]].{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=219}}{{Efn|Bactrian Cursive seem to have fallen out of favor with the Hindu Shahis.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=219}}}} A ''samvat'' is mentioned in all of them whose zero year is understood to correspond to 822 C.E. based on the Zalamkot Bilingual Inscription; it has been assumed to be initiated by Kallar on his coronation, as was typically the case for most Hindu dynasties of medieval India.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=241, 318}}{{sfn|Rahman|1998|p=473}} Copper land grants etc. are yet to be documented.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=218}}
The Hindus had kings residing in Kabul, [[Turk]]s who were said to be of [[Tibet]]an origin. The first of them, [[Barhatakin]] … brought these countries under his sway and ruled them under the title of ''Shahis of Kabul''. The rule remained under his descendants for generations, the number of which ''is said to be sixty''… The last king of this race was [[Lagaturman]], and his [[Vazir]] was [[Kallar]], a Brahman … Lagaturman had bad manners and a worse behaviour, on account of which people complained of him greatly to the Vazir. Now the Vazir put him in chains and imprisoned him for correction, but then he himself found ruling sweet … and so he occupied the royal throne. After him ruled the Brahaman kings [[Samand]] (Samanta), [[Kamlu]], [[Bhim]], [[Jaypal]], [[Anandapal]], [[Trojanpal]] (Trilochanapala). The latter was killed in A.H. 412 (AD 1021) and his son [[Bhimapala]] five years later (AD 1026)… We must say that in all their grandeur, they never slackened in the ardent desire of doing which is good and right, that they were men of noble sentiment and noble bearing. ”
==Origins==
India had pushed back or completely indigenized various foreign invading hordes, without a trace of their ethnic origins. Knowledge about Turkish [[ethnicity]] of these Ksahatriya rulers in this [[frontier]] region of India was surviving because of their continuous rule there. Their ethnicity may be debated but they were Hindus of Kshatriya [[varna]]. There is no doubt on this score.
[[File:Horseman on Hindu Shahi coinage.jpg|thumb|Horseman on a coin of Spalapati, i.e. the "War-lord". The headgear has been interpreted as a [[turban]].{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=187 and Pl. V B.|loc="the horseman is shown wearing a turban-like head-gear with a small globule on the top"}}]]
The 10th century Arab historian [[Al-Masudi|Masudi]] mentioned that in his time the kings of [[Gandhara]] were all called "[[File:Arabic Hahaj for Hindu Shahis.jpg|15px|Arabic Hahaj for Hindu Shahis]]" (which has been variously read ''Hajaj'', ''J.haj'' or ''Ch'hach''), Elliot transliterated the character to "Hahaj" and Cunningham had it equated to the [[Janjua|Janjua tribe/clan]], who were held to be descendants of the [[Rouran Khaganate]].{{sfn|Rehman|1976|pp=48-50}} Rahman doubts this theory and instead transliterates to "J.haj", an Arabicised form of ''[[Chhachh]]'', while the area of Gandhara itself was called "country of the ''Rahbūt''" (Rājpūt){{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=48}} which is even today the name of the region around the Hindu Shahi capital of [[Hund (village)|Hund]].{{sfn|Rehman|1976|pp=48-50}} In the 10th century, this region was occupied by the tribe of the [[Gakhars]] and [[Khokhars]], who formed a large part of the Hindu Shahi army according to the Persian historian [[Firishta]].{{sfn|Rehman|1976|pp=48-50}}
It is also a settled fact that ‘Shahi’ was a very popular royal title in that part of the [[Asia]]n continent. Kings of Kabul were also renowned as the ''Kabul Shahis'' because of perpetual use of this title by them.
[[Al-Biruni]], a contemporary, claimed that the Shahis were [[Brahmin]]s.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=51}} However this goes against Masudi's statement, as well as against Kalhana, whose contemporaneous Kshatriyas staked descent from the Hindu Shahis.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=51}} Rahman speculates that either their Brahmin affiliation was a late rumor floated to justify their original usurpation of the throne, or they were fallen Brahmins, who ran afoul of caste-rules while discharging royal duties.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=52}} According to [[André Wink]], all other sources state the Shahis as [[Kshatriyas]].<ref name=":0">{{Cite book |last=Wink |first=André |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bCVyhH5VDjAC&pg=PA125 |title=Al-hind: The Making of the Indo-islamic World |date=1991 |publisher=BRILL |isbn=978-90-04-09249-5 |pages=125 |language=en}}</ref>
As stated above, Al Beruni refers to the ancient dynasty of which Lagaturman was the last ruler, as the ‘Shahis of Kabul’. The Brahmana [[dynasty]] that followed this Kshatriya dynasty also used the appellation Shahi. In Dewai Stone Inscription as also on the Gold coin issued by Bhimadeva, the third king after Kallar in Al Beruni’s list, is mentioned as ''Shahi Shri Bhimadeva''<ref>"A. Ghose, “A Unique Coin of the Hindu King of Kabul’, ''Numismatic Chronicle'', Vol. XII, Series 6, pp. 133-35. About Dewai Stone Inscription see note no. 34, below.</ref> [[Sanskrit literature]] also referred to them as Shahis, ''([[Rajatarangini]])''<ref>"M. A. Stein, Tr. Kalhana’s ''Rajatarangini'', VI. 177-78 and VII. 47.</ref>
Rahman accepted folklore among current inhabitants of Hund about pre-Muslim kings of the region belonging to the Hodi tribe, and proposed an Odi origin for the Hindu Shahis belonging to [[Oddiyana]], a region in [[Gandhara]]. He also pointed to the famous Senvarma inscription as evidence in support and suggested '''Odi Shahis''' or '''Uḍi Śāhis''' as an accurate name for the dynasty.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Rahman |first=Abdul |date=2002 |title=New Light on the Khingal, Turk and the Hindu Sahis |url=http://journals.uop.edu.pk/papers/AP_v15_37to42.pdf |journal=Ancient Pakistan |volume=XV |pages=37–42}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Meister |first=Michael W. |date=2005 |title=The Problem of Platform Extensions at Kafirkot North |url=http://journals.uop.edu.pk/papers/AP_v16_41to48.pdf |journal=Ancient Pakistan |volume=XVI |pages=41–48}}</ref>{{sfn|Rahman|2002a|p=41}}{{Efn|For more details on the inscription (and Odi Kings), consult {{sfn|Hinüber|2003}}}} Meister found Rahman's arguments to be convincing.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Meister|first=Michael W.|date=2005|title=The Problem of Platform Extensions at Kafirkot North|url=http://journals.uop.edu.pk/papers/AP_v16_41to48.pdf|journal=Ancient Pakistan|volume=XVI|pages=41–48}}</ref>
Thus we see that during the [[Early Medieval]] History (700-1000 CE) there were these two dynasties in Kabul: the (Kshatriya – Turk) Hindu dynasty, and the (Brahmana) Hindu dynasty which replaced it. Both used the title of Shahi. This clear position has, unfortunately, been unnecessarily confused by some researchers of the subject.
==History==
Details about these rulers have been assembled over a period of time from [[chronicle]]s, [[coin]]s and stone [[inscription]]s by persevering researchers as no consolidated account of their history has become available. Fragmented knowledge had to be linked together by theories and suggestions. But occasionally there has been avoidable overplay. For example, during the recent decades it is being unjustly projected that the kings who followed Kallar were also Kshatriyas and not Brahmanas. This is being fallaciously attributed to a verse in ''Rajatarangini'' and this view is being repeated, without proper appraisal, due to the prestige of [[Pandit Kalahna]]’s work.
=== Kallar: The first Hindu Shahi ===
'''The ''Varna'' of Shahis of Kabul'''
==== Establishment ====
That the kings of Shahi dynasty, replaced by Kallar, were indeed Kshatriyas is uncontested. There are no universally recognized [[appellation]]s for referring to the pre-Kallar and post- Kallar dynasties. But (Turk) Hindu Shahis and (Brahmana) Hindu Shahis, respectively, is quite common and clearly understood
The [[Abbasids]] led by caliph [[Al-Ma'mun]] defeated the Kabul branch of the [[Turk Shahi]]s in 815 CE who had invaded Khorasan.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=85}}<ref name="MA20">{{cite book|last1=Alram|first1=Michael|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=H5AcEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA20|title="The Numismatic legacy of the Sasanians in the East" in Sasanian Iran in the Context of Late Antiquity: The Bahari Lecture Series at the University of Oxford|date=1 February 2021|publisher=BRILL|isbn=978-90-04-46066-9|pages=20–21|language=en}}</ref> Following this defeat, the Turk Shahis not only had to convert to Islam but also had to cede key cities and regions.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=85-86}} Another campaign against the Gandhara branch seems to have followed soon, with the Caliphate reaching as far East as the [[Indus river]] and imposing a critical defeat.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=86}} A hefty annual tribute was to be paid in return for sovereignty rights to both territories.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=86}}{{efn|The tribute amounted to 1,500,000 Dirhams and 2,000 slaves per year.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=87}}}}
The Turk Shahis ended up in a precarious state and in {{circa|843 CE}}, the last ruler Lagaturman was deposed by one of his ministers, a [[Brahmin]] vazir called Kallar.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=87-88}}<ref name="SKSK">{{cite journal |author=[[Shōshin Kuwayama|Kuwayama, Shoshin]] |title=The Turki Śāhis and Relevant Brahmanical Sculptures in Afghanistan |journal=East and West |year=1976 |volume=26 |issue=3/4 |jstor=29756318 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/29756318 |issn=0012-8376 |publisher=[[Italian Institute for Africa and the Orient|Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente]]|page=405 }}</ref> The sole description of events comes from Al-Biruni:{{efn|The passage went:{{blockquote|The last king of this race was [[Turk Shahis|Lagatarman]] [of the Turk Shahis], and his Vazir was Kallar, a Brahman. The latter had been fortunate, in so far as he had found by accident hidden treasures, which gave him much influence and power. In consequence, the last king of this Tibetan house, after it had held the royal power for so long a period, let it by degrees slip from his hands. Besides, Lagatarman had bad manners and a worse behaviour, on account of which people complained of him greatly to the Vazir. Now the Vazir put him in chains and imprisoned him for corruption, but then he himself found ruling sweet, his riches enabled him to carry out his plans, and so he occupied the royal throne. After him ruled the Brahman kings Samand (Samanta), Kamalu, Bhim (Bhima), Jaipal ([[Jayapala]]), [[Anandapala]], Tarojanapala ([[Trilochanapala]]). The latter was killed A.H. 412 (A.D. 1021), and his son Bhimapala five years later (A.D. 1026). This Hindu Shahiya dynasty is now extinct, and of the whole house there is no longer the slightest remnant in existence.|[[Al-Biruni]], ''Tārīkh al-Hind'' ("History of India").<ref name="SK403">{{cite journal |last1=Kuwayama |first1=Shoshin |title=The Turki Śāhis and Relevant Brahmanical Sculptures in Afghanistan |journal=East and West |date=1976 |volume=26 |issue=3/4 |page=403 |jstor=29756318 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/29756318 |issn=0012-8376}}</ref>}}}} Lagatarman's unbecoming manners had led his subjects to lodge multiple complaints with Kallar, who having chanced upon a treasure trove, was rapidly purchasing his way to power.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=}} Kallar imprisoned the King for corruption and became the acting regent before usurping the throne permanently.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=88}} The new "Hindu Shahi" dynasty was thus established in [[Gandhara]].{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=91}} None apart from Al-Biruni mentions Kallar; nothing is known about his rule or territorial extent or even his regnal dates.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=90, 93-94}}[[File:Hindu Shahis Spalapatideva type, Kabul mint.jpg|thumb|Non-debased Spalapati series (Kabul mint) — weighs between 3.1 and 3.5 g with a uniform content of 70% silver. '''''Obverse''''': Bull with [[trisula]] mark on the hump, with [[Nagari script|Nagari]] legend: [[File:Nagari1035 shrii.jpg|16px]]<sub>[[File:Nagari1035 spa.jpg|15px]]</sub>[[File:Nagari1035 l.svg|13px]][[File:Nagari1035 p.svg|13px]][[File:Nagari1035 ti.jpg|11px]][[File:Nagari1035 de.jpg|11px]][[File:Nagari1035 v.svg|13px]] ''Śri Spalapatideva'' "Lord Commander-in-Chief". '''''Reverse''''': Horseman with [[File:Nagari1035 a.svg|15px]] ''a'' in Nagari to left and symbol to right.{{sfn|Allchin|2019|p=458–459}}]]Historians such as that of [[Alexander Cunningham]] suggest that coin series bearing the obverse title 'Spalapati' ('Warlord) were minted by Kallar.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=}} According to [[Edward Clive Bayley]]'s misreading of the corrupted remains of a Bactrian legend as Arabic numerals, he proposed that another series of coins bearing the legend 'Samanta' ('Feudatory') were also minted by Kallar.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=186}} He argued the 'Spalapati' series to have been minted for circulation in Persian regions of his territory and the 'Samanta' series for [[Sanskrit language|Sanskrit]]-speaking regions.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=186}} and it has been adduced that Kallar may have felt insecure about the legitimacy of his rule as long as the imprisoned [[Turk Shahis|Turk Shahi]] ruler Lagaturman was alive, and hence affirmed his claim to leadership by such indirect titles.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=92}}
Efforts were made, earlier also, to apportion the Kshatriya ''varna''<ref>"In this discussion, views of E. Thomas, H. M. Elliot, Alexander Cunningham and C. V. Vaidya are note worthy. (The omnibus word ‘caste’ cannot adequately denote different divisions in Hindu society. ''Varna'' system was the traditional four tiered classification of Hindus into Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. People were advised that it was best to marry within one’s own varna.)"</ref> to Kallar’s Brahamana successors on the basis of their name-endings, [[marriage]] alliances and even their ''‘terrible valour’'' at the battlefield. All these arguments were deemed untenable. However, in 1973, [[Yogendra Misra]] projected the view<ref>"Yogendra Mishara, ''The Hindu Shahis of Afghanistan and the Punjab AD 865-1026'', p. 4."</ref> that according to Rajatarangini Hindu Shahis (meaning here post-Lagaturman kings) were also Kshatriyas. This is a serious misinterpretation and needs to be dealt with in some details to set the record straight.
[[File:Hindu Shahis coinage in the name of Samanta Deva Kabul mint.jpg|thumb|Rather debased Samantadeva series (Kabul mint) — weighs between 2.9 and 3.9 g with a variable content of 60 to 70% silver. '''''Obverse''''': Bull with [[trisula]] mark on the hump, with [[Nagari script|Nagari]] legend: [[File:Nagari1035 shrii.jpg|16px]][[File:Nagari1035 s.svg|15px]][[File:Nagari1035 m.svg|15px]][[File:Nagari1035 t.svg|13px]][[File:Nagari1035 de.jpg|11px]][[File:Nagari1035 v.svg|13px]] ''[[Sri|Śri]] Samantadeva''. '''''Reverse''''': Horseman with [[File:Nagari1035 bhii.jpg|15px]] ''bhī'' in [[Nagari script|Nagari]] to left and symbol to right.{{sfn|Allchin|2019|p=458–459}}]]
[[Kalhana]]’s ''Rajatarangini'' covers the history of [[Kashmir]] over many centuries, a few of these corresponding to the rise and fall of several Shahi dynasties in Kabul and elsewhere. There are references to Shahis belonging to various dynasties as also prominent individuals having a Shahi name-suffix. With the sole exception of one case (marriage of daughter of Bhimadeva Shahi in a prominent [[Khash]] family of Kashmir - VI. 176-78) Kalhana does not identify the family, varna or religious faith of any of these. For serious readers we list below these references from ''Rajatarangini'' giving ruling period of the corresponding kings under whose rule these persons figure in the book.
The 'Spalapati' series may also have been minted by the last Turk Shahi rulers instead as 'Pati Dumi', who was defeated by the [[Abbasid Caliphate|Abbasid]] Caliph [[Al-Ma'mun]], is described by [[Al-Azraqi]] and [[Al-Biruni]] as an 'Ispahbadh' ('Warlord'), equivalent to the title Spalapati.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|pp=93, 175}} Rahman therefore believes that Kallar did not initiate any changes in the currency system of the last Turk Shahis{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=96}} and the Samanta series was minted by succeeding Hindu Shahi rulers.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=93}} Numismatist and historian [[Michael Alram]]'s publications take note of this view;<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Paiman|first1=Zafar|last2=Alram|first2=Michael|date=2010-01-01|title=Tepe Narenj: A Royal Monastery on the High Ground of Kabul, with a Commentary on the Coinage|url=https://www.brepolsonline.net/doi/10.1484/J.JIAAA.1.103268|journal=Journal of Inner Asian Art and Archaeology|volume=5|pages=33–58|doi=10.1484/J.JIAAA.1.103268|issn=1783-9025}}</ref> however some scholars attribute the entirety of the bull/horserider coinage, including the Spalapati series, to the Hindu Shahis.<ref name="AM21">{{cite book |last1=Alram |first1=Michael |title="The Numismatic Legacy of the Sasanians in the East", in "Sasanian Iran in the Context of Late Antiquity: The Bahari Lecture Series at the University of Oxford" |date=1 February 2021 |publisher=BRILL |isbn=978-90-04-46066-9 |page=21, full study pages 5–21 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=H5AcEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA21 |language=en}}</ref>
=== Samanta ===
A- Shahi princes in high posts in Kashmir (700-736) (verses IV. 142-43)
Al-Biruni notes that Samanta was the successor of Kallar and may have been his son, but their genealogical relationship is left undescribed.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=95}} Like in the case of Kallar, there is a total lack of information on his rule or even his actual name and he seems to have replicated the [[Turk Shahis|Turk Shahi]] system of producing no name on their coinage.<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=50}}</ref> The Samanta series prototype was followed by all future Hindu Shahi rulers and even the Muslim Ghaznavids, who succeeded the Hindu Shahis.{{sfn|Giunta|2006|p=238}}
Shahi princes Rudrapala and Diddapala (1028–1063) (VII. 143-53)
Four arrogant Shahi princes from Shahi family (1063–1089) (VII. 275)
Shahi princesses Bimba, Vasantalekha and others (VII. 1470 & 1551)
B- Lalliya Shahi sovereign of Udabhanda (883-902) (V. 152-155)
As stated above these references to Shahis were dynasty and [[caste]] neutral. Neither Kalhana specified these attributes nor did he identify their respective families.
{{Main Article|Hindu Shahi-Saffarid wars}}
In 870 CE, [[Ya'qub ibn al-Layth al-Saffar|Ya'qub ibn al-Layth]], the founder of the recently formed [[Saffarid dynasty]] marched onto [[Kabul]]. According to the [[Tarikh-i Sistan]], the [[Saffarid dynasty|Saffarids]] had come into conflict with the [[Zunbils|zunbil dynasty]] based in modern day [[Ghazni]] and after having defeated them, a son of the Zunbils had fled into the area corresponding to [[Kabul]] resulting in Yaqub's invasion.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |pages=96-101}}</ref> It has been attested to by numerous sources that [[Ya'qub ibn al-Layth al-Saffar|Ya'qub]] had brought forth idols and elephants to the [[Abbasids|Abbasid]] Caliph [[Al-Mu'tamid]] from Kabul however it not clear whether this is indicative of the city or of the [[Kabul Valley|Kabul valley]], though according to Rehman the latter was most probable.<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |pages=102-102}}</ref> The [[Rawżat aṣ-ṣafāʾ]] states that the ruler of Kabul was made prisoner though it is not clear whether this was Samanta.<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 }}</ref> The region was in Saffarid control until 878 CE before being recaptured by Lalliya, the successor to Samanta.<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=105 }}</ref>{{multiple image
| perrow = 2
| total_width = 450
| caption_align = center
| align = right
| direction = horizontal
| header = Saffarid coinage in Kabul, with Arabic
| image2 = Coinage of the Saffarid Governor of Kabul, issued circa 870 CE on the Hindu Shahi model. Abassid dirhman weight standard, and Arabic mention adl (justice) on the obverse. Nagari "Sri Kudarayaka" on the reverse (“Khudarayaka”) Circa 895-921 CE.jpg
| caption2 =
| image1 = Statue of Amir Yaqub Laith Saffari in Zabol (cropped).jpg
| caption1 =
| footer = Statue of [[Yaqub bin Laith al-Saffar]] ([[Zabol]], Iran), conqueror of the Kabul capital of the Hindu Shahis in 870 CE, and coinage of the Saffarid Governor of Kabul after the capture of the city, issued around 870 CE in Kabul on the Hindu Shahi model. Abbasid [[dirham]] weight standard. ''Obverse'': Recumbent bull with [[Nagari script|Nagari]] legend [[File:Nagari1035 shrii.jpg|18px]][[File:Nagari1035 khuu.jpg|10px]][[File:Nagari1035 d.svg|13px]][[File:Nagari1035 r.svg|13px]][[File:Nagari1035 y.svg|13px]][[File:Nagari1035 kah.svg|13px]] (''Śrī Khūdarayakah'', "The fortunate small [[Raja]]"), [[trisula]] mark on the hump of the bull. ''Reverse'': horseman with [[File:Nagari1035 m.svg|20px]] (''ma'') in [[Nagari script|Nagari]] to left, <big><big>'''[[:wikt:عدل|عدل]]'''</big></big> (''’adl'', "[[Justice]]") in Arabic to right.{{sfn|Flood|2018|p=25-26}}
}}
====Khudarayaka: Governor of the Kabul Valley====
M. A. Stein’s translation of the related verses from ''Rajatarangini'' reads like this:
It is unknown what arrangements Ya'qub made for the governance of Kabul after his victory and imprisonment of the then ruler; we only have [[Tarikh-i Sistan]] noting that Kabul was under an unnamed Ya'qub governor as late as 878/879.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=105}} It is speculated that this governor was some blood relation of Samanta who was favorably inclined to Islam and went on to take the title of Khudarayaka (Small King) as ascertainable from a series of coins.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=105-106}}{{efn|Otherwise, Ya'qub himself would have never proclaimed himself with such lowly titles while later Hindu Shahis, who regained sovereignty, won't mint in Arabic at all.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=106}} Further, the series matched with the distinctly lower weight standard of the Arabic dirhem as introduced after ‘Abd al- Malik's currency reforms.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=106}}}} As has been the case with previous rulers, there is a lack of information including about his actual name, course of rule and eventual fate.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=106}} The unavailability of his coins in or around Gandhara points to his lack of control over the region, which did not come into contact with Ya'qub's expeditions and were likely held by Samanta's relatives.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=106}}
=== Lalliya ===
Because of our relationship with you, we were waited upon by ruling princes in all directions (during the course of our rebellion). It is from association with water of Ganga that the glass bottle is reverenced. (VIII. 3229)
==== Re-conquest of Kabul and invasion of Ghazna ====
Even to this day the appellation of Shahi sheds luster on an endless number of Kshatriyas abroad who lay claim to that lineage (VIII.3230).
Lalliya was the first Shahi noted by [[Kalhana]], he is depicted as a great ruler with enormous strength to the standard where kings of other regions would seek shelter in his capital of [[Udabhanda]], a change from the previous capital of [[Kabul]].<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=107}}</ref> [[Ya'qub ibn al-Layth al-Saffar|Ya'qub]] is not known to have annexed or invaded the country of [[Gandhara]] and it is assumed by Rehman that it was under the kingship of Lalliya.<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=110}}</ref>
Khudrayaka, the Saffarid governor of Kabul, is noted to have ended his reign in 880 CE, however it is unknown what brought about his downfall. It is assumed Lalliya was implicated as when [[Kabul]] is next mentioned in 900 CE, it is described as reverting back as Shahi territory.<ref name=":2">{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=110 }}</ref> [[Amr ibn al-Layth]] succeeded Yaqub as the Amr of the [[Saffarid dynasty]] in 879 CE. The [[Tarikh-i Sistan]] records 'two Indian kings', reconstructed as Toramana and Asata described as governors and sons of Lalliya, are stated to have taken advantage of [[Amr ibn al-Layth|Amr al-Layth]]'s preoccupation with rebellions in Khorasan and to have successfully invaded [[Ghazni]] in 900 CE, defeating the Saffarid governor named as Fardaghin, though the Tarikh does not make it clear whether it was the region of [[Zabulistan]] or of the city.<ref name=":3">{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=110-111}}</ref>
The verse 3230, in question, simply conveys that many Kshatriyas elsewhere (''[[digantre]]'') (in search of legitimacy and respectable ancestry) are ''laying claim'' to their descent from the Shahis. Kalhana does not specify that they are seeking linkage with a particular Shahi family – having mentioned so many of them in his long narration. However, Yogendra Mishra interprets it in the following words:<ref>"Ibid."</ref>
==== Aggression with the Utpala dynasty ====
“He (Kalhana) clearly says that there were a numberless host of Kshatriyas in his time who had appellation Shahi and traced their origin to that [[royal family]]. ''Thus in the opinion of Kalhana the Hindu Shahis* were Kshatriyas''. (emphasis added)
Kalhana notes that Lalliya was a significant ally of the [[Gujrat, Pakistan|Gujrati]] ruler Alakhana against the machinations of the [[Utpala dynasty]], whose ruler [[Utpala dynasty#Sankaravarman|Samkaravarman]] invaded the Hindu Shahis c. 902 CE, however Kalhana further states that Lalliya's 'mighty glory outshone the kings of the north'.<ref>{{Cite book |last=MISHRA |first=YOGENDRA |url=http://archive.org/details/dli.bengal.10689.12772 |title=THE HINDU SAHIS OF AFGHANISTAN AND THE PUNJAB |date=1972 |publisher=S. M. SUSHILA DEVI |page=34 }}</ref> Samkaravarman was killed by a stray arrow in [[Hazara region|Hazara]], with scholars stating Lalliya's role in his death.<ref name=":4">{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=113 }}</ref> A year later, his successor [[Utpala dynasty#Gopalavarman|Gopalavarman]] re-invaded Shahi territory to depose a rebellious Shahi, and installed Lalliya's son Toramana with the new name of "Kamaluka". {{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=113-114, 117}}{{Efn|From Kalhana's description, Gopalavarman appears to have effected a regime-change to install a more docile ruler.}}
{{Quote|text=Rajat., v, 232-33: As superintendent of the treasury he (Prabhakaradeva, the prime minister of Gopalavarman - the successor of Samkaravarman ) plundered the riches of the amorous (queen) and vanquished the Sahi kingdom at Udabhanda. He bestowed the kingdom of the rebellious Sahi upon Toramana, Lilliya's son, and gave him the (new) name Kamaluka.|author=[[Kalhana]]}}
[[Abdur Rahman]] concurring with Mishra’s view gives further unwarranted twists of his own to Kalhana’s statement:<ref>"Abdur Rahman, ''The Last Two Dynasties of the Shahis'' , p. 51, fn. 78. However, he soon argues that “Kallar’s descendants compelled by the demands and obligations of their high office, could not strictly follow the rules of the priestly class.”, p. 52, ibid."</ref>
=== Kamaluka ===
Kalhana’s reference (VIII. 3230) to numerous ''Kshatriyas who lived in Kashmir but traced their origin to the royal family of [[Udabhandapura]]'' …” (emphasis added)
Nothing definite is known about the reign of the Hindu Shahi ruler Kamaluka, except that he was succeeded by his son, Bhimadeva. Concurrent to his reign, the Saffarids rapidly lost their power to the [[Samanid Empire|Samanids]]{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=117}} and sometime after 913 CE, the power vacuum led to the rise of a friendly power in the Ghazna province, the [[Lawik dynasty]], which flourished until 962 CE and engaged in marital ties with the Hindu Shahis.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=118-119}} There are various unsubstantiated speculations regarding the end date of Kamaluka's reign, ranging from 900 to 950.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=120}}{{efn|Some have argued for the early 900s, in an attempt to squeeze Bhimadeva closer to the establishment of the dynasty, since he had minted coins of the Samanta series; Raman found the argument to lack basis, since the coins of the Samanta series would be minted by [[Mahmud of Ghazni]] as late as the early 11th century.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=120}}}}
===Bhimadeva===
These interpretative twists are manifestly fallacious and erroneous. For example [[Bhatti]] [[Rajput]]s of [[Jaisalmer]] claim that they are descended from the ''Kshatriya Shahi'' royal family of Zabul (western Afghanistan) which successfully halted the march of Arab arms for a couple of centuries but were mauled by [[Yaqub-i-Laith]] (c. 870 CE). Their remnants may have found their way to Jaisalmer. But Zabul and Kabul were ''separate'' states when, earlier, Kallar usurped the throne of Kabul. Like the Bhattis, if some other Kshatriyas were also laying claim to Shahi lineage this fact, by itself, could not be interpreted to assign a Kshatriya varna to the Brahmana successors of Kallar. In fairness, Kalhana cannot be saddled with the erroneous view that the (Brahmana) Hindu Shahis of Udabhandapura were Kshatriyas.
[[File:Hindu Shahi coinage Circa 950 CE Horseman right, holding banner; na in Nagari to left; trace of symbol to right. śri bhima deva on the reverse.jpg|thumb|Strongly debased Bhimadeva series — found near-exclusively in Afghanistan and weighs between 3.1 and 3.2 g. '''''Obverse''''': Recumbent bull with legend [[File:Nagari1035 shrii.jpg|16px]][[File:Nagari1035 bhii.jpg|14px]][[File:Nagari1035 m.svg|15px]][[File:Nagari1035 de.jpg|11px]][[File:Nagari1035 v.svg|13px]] ''Śri Bhīmadeva''. '''''Reverse''''': Horseman holding banner; [[File:Nagari1035 n.svg|14px]] ''na'' in Nagari to left; trace of symbol to right.{{sfn|Allchin|2019|p=458–459}}]]
Mentioned as 'Bhima' in [[Al-Biruni]]'s list, and identified with the ''Śri Bhīmadeva'' coin series, Bhimadeva was one of the most accomplished rulers of the Hindu Shahis along side Lalliya.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=121}} His rise to power was concurrent with the growth of neighboring Hindu kingdoms such as that of the [[Pala Empire]]. According to the Khajuraho stone inscription, the [[Kangra Valley]] was under the authority of a Shahi king assumed to be Bhimadeva, and it is further presumed that the city of Bhimanagar in present day [[Kangra, Himachal Pradesh|Kangra]] was named after him.<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=124}}</ref> The [[Rajatarangini]] states that Bhima's daughter was married to the [[Lohara dynasty]] king of Kashmir, and his grand-daughter noted as [[Didda]] became the Queen and last ruler of the [[Utpala dynasty]].<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=123-124}}</ref>
==== Victory over the Samanid Empire ====
'''Ethnicity of the Brahmana Shahis'''
In the final years of Bhima's reign in c. 962, [[Alp-Tegin]], a rebel Turkish chief of the [[Samanid Empire]], had annexed the regions of [[Zabulistan]] and [[Kabul]] with the aim of waging holy war against the [[Lawik dynasty]] and the Hindu Shahis. The Lawik king fled to the Shahi domain in hopes of gaining re-inforcements to conquer the lost territory and in c. 963 Bhimadeva was successful in capturing [[Ghazni]]. This victory is engraved in the Hund Slab Inscription dated to c. 989 CE during the reign of the succeeding Shahi Jayapala.<ref name=":5">{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=128-130}}</ref>
{{blockquote|[[File:Hund inscription of Jayapaladeva, in the year 146 (10th century CE).jpg|thumb|upright=0.5|left|Hund inscription of Jayapaladeva.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=}}]]...To the north of the Indus, which is a mass of complete merit here on earth, there is (a city) by name [[Udabhandra]], which has been made their home by learned men forming communities, just as [[Mount Meru|Meru]] (was made their home) by the immortal (gods) and other (supernatural beings)...<br>
With the explicit statement by Al Beruni that Vazir Kallar, and the seven kings who followed him up to Bhimapala, were Brahmanas there is no ground for doubting the varna of these kings. Al Beruni’s record is not only the earliest and nearest source of history of these Shahis but he was the contemporary of some of these Shahi Kings. Most part of his stay in India was in [[Lahore]] and he may have met [[Anandapala]] and [[Trilochanapala]], son and grandson respectively of [[Jayapala]]. This view is supported by the later Muslim writers also. [[Ferishta]] has recorded “Jaipal the son of Hutpal, of the Brahman tribe reigned at that time over the country.”<ref>"John Briggs, Tr. ''History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India'' of Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 9. "</ref> [[Mohammad bin Mansur]] also wrote, “Jaipal, King of Brahmans.” <ref>"Muhammad b. Mansur, ''Adab al-Maluk wa Kifyat al-Mamluk'', translated by M. Nazim, ‘The Hindu Shahiya Kingdom of Ohind’, ''Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland'', 1927, p. 491."</ref> Whatever may be argued about other Muslim chroniclers, Al Beruni could not be accused of having confused while using the word Brahmana with which he was well acquainted. He had written knowledgeably, and in detail, about the four varnas of the Hindus ''(On the Castes, Called “Colours” (Varna) and On the Classes Below Them),, in his famous book commonly known as Al Beruni’s India.<ref>"E. C. Sachau, Tr. ''Al Beruni’s India'', Vol. I, Chapter IX, pp. 99-104."</ref>
...Therein dwelt the chief of kings, Bhīma, of terrible valour (or with valour like that of [[Bhima|Bhīma]], the legendary hero), by whom, having conquered his enemies' troops, the earth was protected...<br>
...The king of that (country) is (now) Jayapaladeva, who, through his body, origin, and birth, has become the sole hero, whose very pure fame, having left heaven, has attained the eternal abode of Brahman....<br>
|Excerpts of the Hund inscription of Jayapala (HSI), inscribed Year 146 (968 CE). Translation by Abdur Rehman.{{sfn|Rehman|1978}}}}
Bhima's death is chronologically placed within the span of 964 to 965 CE. The Hund Slab Inscription attributes his passing to him 'burning himself through Shivas desire but not through the terrible enemy', suggesting a ritualistic suicide, and the absence of any noted political setbacks further supports the inference that his death occurred under such circumstances. In c.965 CE [[Ghazni]] was recaptured from the [[Lawik dynasty]] by [[Abu Ishaq Ibrahim of Ghazna|Abu Ishaq]], the successor of Alp-Tegin, after Bhimas death.<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://archive.org/details/tltd_20240114 |title=The Last Two Dynasties of The Shāhis |date=1976 |page=130}}</ref>
''When the gradually retreating Brahmana Shahis lost their [[sovereignty]] at the hands of the [[Ghaznavid]]s in [[Punjab, India|Punjab]], their obdurate tribes did not fade away''. Interestingly, some scholars have studied the continued Brahmanic link with some of the present day castes and have come up with illuminating results.
=== Jayapala ===
“Thus Raja Jaipal of Lahore who met [[Mahmud Ghaznavi]] twice in battle was a Muhiyal Brahman.” (T. P. Russel Stracey)<ref>"T. P. Russel Stracey, ''The History of the Mohyals-The Militant Brahman Race of India ''(Lahore, 1911), p. 10."</ref> “It is not impossible that the Brahman dynasty of Kabul sprang from a class of [[secular]] Brahmans from which the [[Mohyal]]s may be descended.” (H. A. Rose.)<ref>"H.A. Rose, ''A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province (Based on the Census Reports for the Punjab1883 and 1892)'' (Reprint Delhi, 1982), p. 192."</ref> C.V. Vaidya is definitely of the opinion that the Hindu Shahis* were Brahmanas. He has further highlighted that “the Mohyals who are a sub-sect of Sarasvata Brahmnas … claim ''with justice and propriety'' that Jaipal and Anandapal were Mohyal Brahmanas.”<ref>"C. V. Vaidya, ''History of Mediaeval Hindu India,'' Vol. III, p.21"</ref> D.B. Pandey has expressed the view that, in the present state of our knowledge, the Hindu Shahis* were Brahma-Kshatras, who discarded the priestly profession for martial pursuits.”<ref>"D.B. Pandey, ''The Shahis of Afghanistan and the Punjab'', p. 80."</ref>
{{See also|First Battle of Laghman|Second Battle of Laghman|Battle of Peshawar (1001)}}Bhimadeva's successors would all have the surname of "Pala", and Muslim sources give hazy indications of a successional dispute, leading many to suggest that the same family was not ruling anymore.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=131-133}} Rahman disagrees that there exist sufficient evidence in favor of such a hypothesis or conclusion.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=131-133}}
One Vijayapaladeva (r. 942 or 963) is obtained from the Ratnamanjari Inscription where he is held to be the 'supreme sovereign' or '<nowiki/>''[[Maharajadhiraja]]'''.{{sfn|Khaw|2016}} Rahman proposed that Vijayapaladeva had to have either belonged to the Kabul branch or had been a local Shahi feudatory.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=}} Khaw disagrees and instead equates Vijayapaladeva with one Thakkana Sahi, mentioned by Kalhana as a rebel who had to be captured by Queen [[Didda]] of Kashmir.{{sfn|Khaw|2016}} For Khaw, this identification fits within the narrative of Muslim sources; Jayapala ascended only after this threat was neutralized.{{sfn|Khaw|2016}}{{Efn|Rehman claimed scholars deeming Thakkana as the successor of Bhimadeva to be in the wrong.}}
'''The Mohyals'''
==== Resisting the Ghaznavids ====
The [[Mohyal]]s are an old non-priestly agro-martial Brahmana community with a tradition of preserving their clan histories. “The Mohyals have several customs which are in harmony with their secular professions. To each clan are, or should be, attached a ''[[purohit]]'' or family priest, a ''[[bhat]]'' or bard and a ''[[mirasi]]'' or genealogist.”<ref>"H.A. Rose, ''A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province'' , Vol. III, p. 133."</ref> Here it should suffice that the existence of an identifiable Brahman community descended from the Shahis should be a clinching argument about the Brahmana varna of Hindu Shahis* – a living proof of Al Beruni’s [[certification]].<ref>"For a detailed treatment of the theses see: R. T. Mohan, ''AFGHANISTAN REVISITED-The Brahmana Hindu Shahis of Afghanistan and the Punjab'' (c. 840-1026 CE), pp 22-36. Available from Motilal Banarsidas, 41 U.A. Bunglow Road, Jawahar Nagar, Delhi-110 007."</ref>
[[Bilgetegin]] succeeded Abu Ishaq Ibrahim on the occasion of his death in November 966, and ruled for about nine years, before being assassinated during his invasion of [[Gardez|Gardiz]], the last bastion of the Lawiks.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=133}} His successor [[Böritigin of Ghazni|Piri]] was described as a drunkard whose oppressive rule led the citizens of Ghazna to request the return of Lawik.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=133}} Lawik mounted yet another expedition with help from the "son of Kabul Shah" and met the Muslim forces in the area of [[Charkh District|Charkh]].{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=133-134}} Both breathed their last in the war and the Muslim forces imposed an overwhelming victory, despite their numerical inferiority.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=134}} [[Sabuktigin]] became the undisputed leader of the Ghazni region, as he would go on to overthrow Piri.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=134-135}} Kabul was lost forever and the foundation stone of the [[Ghaznavid Empire]] was cast.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=134-135}}
In 986–987, Jayapala marched towards Ghazni and met with [[Sabuktigin]]'s forces at Ghuzak.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=135}}{{efn|The name of the place is also spelt as Baghurak and Ghurak in some Muslim histories.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=12, 135}}}} The war remained largely inconclusive for days before the tide turned against the Shahis: Jayapala was forced to propose a peace treaty.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=135-136}}{{Efn|The circumstances that led to this sudden development are described peculiarly by Utbi: a fountain of supernatural powers was intentionally polluted by Sabuktegin to raise a snowstorm of hellish proportions that blinded Jayapala's men.{{sfn|Anooshahr|2005|p=278-279}} Positivist historians have understood this to refer to a cataclysmic storm.{{sfn|Anooshahr|2005|p=279}} However, Ali Anooshahr considers the tale of the storm to reflect the description of Lake Frazdan (modern-day [[Godzareh Depression|Gaud-i Zira]]) – situated about the same area and with its source ocean [[Fraxkard]] from the ''[[Bundahishn|Greater Bundahishn]]'' — and notes that Utbi's description of the eastern frontiers was based on letters received by the Court, so he proposes that the Zoroastrian myth was still believed by the locals during the conflict and Sabuktegin had it leveraged to increase his stature before his subjects.{{sfn|Anooshahr|2005|p=289-290}}}} [[Mahmud of Ghazni|Mahmud]], son of Sabuktigin and a battle commander, wished to inflict a decisive defeat, but had to concede when Jayapala threatened to incinerate all valuables.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=136}}{{Efn|Al-Utbi notes Sabuktigin to have consented to the proposal "on account of the mercy he felt towards those who were his allied lords". The precise meaning is unclear.}} A war indemnity of one million Shahi dirhams and fifty war elephants was agreed upon and some frontier forts were ceded to the Ghaznavids.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=136}} Accordingly, Jaypala made his way back with Ghaznavid commanders who were to take charge of the ceded forts, while some of his relatives and officials were left with Sabuktigin as hostages.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=136}} Once Jayapala reached his own territories, he called off the treaty and threw the commanders into prison, hoping to force Sabuktigin into exchanging hostages.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=136}}
(* Here the phrase ‘Hindu Shahis’ refers to the Brahmana dynasties following Kallar - the seven kings listed in Al Beruni’s list. Their capital was at Kabul/ Udabhandapura)
Sabuktigin refused to believe that the treaty had been breached, but once it was established beyond doubt, he plundered the frontier town of [[Lamghan]]: temples were demolished and houses burnt down.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=136-137}} In response, Jayapala secured troops from unidentified Rajas,{{Efn|Contemporaneous Muslim sources take note of Jayapala having received aid from neighboring Indian polities; Firishta, writing over 600 years hence, would be the first chronicler to note their names: Delhi, Ajmir, Kalunjur, and Kanauj.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=335-336}} Rahman doubts Firishta's accuracy since neither extant literature nor extant inscriptions from these polities speak of such a grand political maneuver.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=336-337}}}} and met with the Ghaznavids near Kindi (modern day [[Kandibagh]]?).{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=14, 137}} The Ghaznavids breached the enemy lines repeatedly using light attacks and followed them with an all-out assault, routing the Shahis who had to flee beyond the Indus despite their overwhelming numerical superiority.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=137-138}} The entire span of territory up to Peshawar was lost, and Sabuktigin installed his own tax-collectors; local tribes were ordained into Ghaznavid arms too.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=138}} A [[Ribat|''ribāṭ'']] was commissioned at Kindi to commemorate the victory.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=14}} However, Peshawar and adjacent regions returned to the Shahis sometime soon, probably during what would be a long interlude in the Ghaznavid-Shahi conflict.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=138}}{{efn|Ferishta mentions that Mahmud had stationed a garrison at Peshawar; this must have been either withdrawn or expelled by Jayapala.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=138}}}}
'''Defence of Zabul by Kshatriya Shahis'''
Circa 990–991, Mahmud would be imprisoned by his father Sabuktigin on grounds of fomenting a rebellion.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=138}} Jayapala probably tried to leverage the rift in his favor by promising to rescue Mahmud, marry off his daughter to him, and further, allot sufficient wealth and troops.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=138-139}} Mahmud did not respond favorably and noting the Shahi to be an infidel, proclaimed his absolute devotion to Sabuktigin and pledged to attack Jayapala upon release.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=139}}
At some stage the strong Hindu kingdom of Kapisha had split up. Its western part formed a separate state, renowned as the kingdom of Zabul. On the west it shared border with [[Iran]]. [[Sistan]] formed the frontier province of Zabul. It can be surmised that it was a family division because there were consanguineous and political relationships between the states of Kabul and Zabul.<ref>"Abdur Rahman, ''Last Two Dynasties of the Shahis:'' “In about AD 680, the [[Rutbil]] was a brother of the Kabul Shah. In AD 726, the ruler of Zabulistan (Rutbil) was the nephew of Kabul Shah. Obviously the Kabul Shahs and the Rutbils belonged to the same family” – pp. 46 and 79, quoting Tabri ,I,2705-6 and Fuch, von W."</ref> The dividing border could have been a little east of [[Ghazni]], running north to south. There was comparative peace because, after the [[Hun]]s, there were no foreign invasions. However, the situation changed when [[Islam]] appeared on the world scene. Arab raiding parties often penetrated deep in to Afghanistan and took back slaves and other booty. But annexation of territory was indeed slow, frustrating the [[Arab]]s then used to rapid acquisitions everywhere else. However, we shift our focus to the end of the seventh century.
==== Annexation of Lahore ====
In 698, [[Al Hajjaj]] the powerful governor at [[Iraq]] sent a well equipped army under his experienced general [[Ubaidullah]] “to lay waste the Zutbil’s lands destroy his forts and kill and enslave the people”. He was peremptorily ordered not to turn back until he had subjugated the whole kingdom. “Artfully retiring the Rutbil drew the Mohammedan army into the defiles and blocking off the rear, cut off its retreat. Ubaidullah was compelled to buy his liberation by payment of seven hundred thousand [[dirham]]s.” He had to promise never to raid the Rutbil’s territory again. He died of grief at the plight of his soldiers. (The traditional title of the kings of Zabul has been stated as Rutbil – variously read as Zutbil, Zunbil, Runthel etc. in Muslim chronicles. The original [[Sanskrit]] could be Rattan Pal)
Around the same time, Jayapala was challenged by Bharat, a Raja of [[Lahore]] who wished to wrest control of [[Nandana]], Jailam and Takeshar.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=139}} Anandapala, then Governor of Punjab and son of Jayapala, was ordered to intercept Bharat's forces and in the ensuing battle, Bharat was imprisoned and Lahore annexed; however the nobility of Lahore pleaded on behalf of their old King, who was reinstated as a feudatory after payment of tributes.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=139-140}} About a year hence, Bharat's son Chandrak deposed him on the grounds of waging an ill-thought-out campaign against the Shahis, and became the new feudatory.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=140}} For reasons which are not clear, c. 998-999 (eight years after the usurpation), Jayapala declared war against Lahore on the pretext of protecting his suzerain Bharat and dispatched Anandapala.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=140}} Chandrak was ambushed and kidnapped around the battleground of Samutla, and Lahore was annexed by the Shahis.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=140-141}} Rahman speculates that the Shahis were trying to balance their losses to the Ghaznavids using any pretext.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=140}}
==== Death ====
In 700-701, [[Abdur Rehman bin Mohammed bin Ashta]] was dispatched with forty thousand men to retrieve the Muslim honour. He was able to collect considerable booty but failed to have any territorial gains – thus incurring the displeasure of [[Hajjaj]]. Exasperated by the threats of super session he determined to carry arms against his master and, in order to strengthen his power, conducted a treaty with the enemies of faith (Rutbil) that the latter would afford him asylum in the event of the failure of his campaign against the [[caliph]]. After some initial successes, Abdur Rehman was at the end compelled to seek the protection of his Hindu ally. Sustained political intervention of the Rutbil brought the Islamic expansion to a halt and he had made Sistan an ‘ill-omened frontier’ for the Arabs. In [[folklore]] Rutbil became the hero of many Arab stories of holy wars on the frontier of [[Hind]]. Gradually, the Arabs - the ruling caliphs - ceased to be a powerful political force and Rutbils ruled in comparative peace for another one hundred and fifty years.<ref>"See: H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, ''The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians'', Vol. I, p. 429 and Vol. II, p. 416-417; André Wink, ''Al Hind, pp.'' 121-123; K. A. Nizami, ed. ''Politics and Society during the Early Medieval Period'', Vol. II, p.37 ff; James Tod, ''Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan'' , Vol. II, pp. 174-75."</ref>
In 998 CE, Mahmud ascended the Ghaznavid throne at Ghazni, and went on an annexation spree.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=141}} Soon, Mahmud turned his eyes on the Shahis, allegedly resolving to invade their territories every year.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=141}} In what was the last battle of his life, Jayapala met with Mahmud in the [[Battle of Peshawar (1001)|Battle of Peshawar]] on 27 September 1001; one Shahi governor of the Bardari province named Adira Afghan is held to have switched sides and aided in the safe and quick passage of Mahmud's troops across Shahi provinces.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=141-142}} Mahmud saw through Jayapala's tactics of delaying the conflict in the hope of receiving reinforcements and declared war immediately.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=142}} Soon, the Shahis were in a state of disarray with Jayapala and fifteen of his relatives taken as prisoners.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=142}} About one million Shahi forces were taken as slaves.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=143}} The war-spoils awed contemporary chroniclers: the royal necklaces alone were valued at over six million Shahi dirhams.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=142-143}} Mahmud continued his raid as far as [[Hund (village)|Hund]], as his forces chased fleeing troops and decimated pockets of resistance.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=143}} Within a few months, the entire Shahi territory to the west of the Indus had submitted to Mahmud.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=143}}{{efn|It was probably around this time, that some mausoleum (or tomb) was commissioned at Zalamkot by Mahmud's commander Arslan Jadhib for the fallen, which would be eventually completed in 1011. See {{sfn|Rahman|2002b}} on the Zalamkot Bilingual Inscription.}}
Jayapala was eventually released but Muslim chroniclers differ about the specifics.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=143}} [[Unsuri]], a court-poet of Mahmud notes that he was sold in the slave market; [[Minhaj-i Siraj Juzjani|Minhaj ad-din]] and al-Malik Isami adds a price of 80 dirhams.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=144-145}} Others like al-Ansab note that Mahmud had rejected his request for pardon but allowed him to be free in lieu of a payment of 2.5 million dirhams and 50 war-elephants around March 1002, which Rahman finds more likely.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=146}} Jayapala returned to Hund and immolated himself in a pyre after abdicating the throne in favor of Anandapala.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=146-147}}
'''Islamic Kingdoms in the Shahi neighbourhood.'''
=== Anandapala ===
The SAMANID and the SAFFARIDS
{{South Asia in 1000|right|{{center|The Hindu Shahis and main South Asian polities in 1000, on the eve of the [[Ghaznavid Empire|Ghaznavid]] invasions of the subcontinent.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Chandra |first1=Satish |title=Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals-Delhi Sultanat (1206–1526) — Part One |date=2004 |publisher=Har-Anand Publications |isbn=978-81-241-1064-5 |pages=19–20 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=L5eFzeyjBTQC&pg=PA19 |language=en|author-link=Satish Chandra (historian)}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Schwartzberg |first1=Joseph E. |title=A Historical atlas of South Asia |date=1978 |publisher=University of Chicago Press |location=Chicago |pages=32, 146|isbn=0226742210 |url=https://dsal.uchicago.edu/reference/schwartzberg/pager.html?object=069}}</ref>}}|{{Annotation|70|28|[[File:Rectangle (plain).svg|45px]]}}}}
Anandapala ascended to the throne around April 1002.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=147}} His capital city remains unknown but was likely Nandan.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=147-148}}{{Efn|Some scholars have speculated it to be Lahore.}} Anandapala had entered into marital relations with Tunga, the prime-minister of [[Didda]], then-ruler of Kashmir and had at least two sons.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=157}} He commanded significant fame as a patron of scholars though texts from his court are not extant.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=157}}
Circa April 1006, Mahmud requested Anandapala to consent to the passage of his troops via his territories to reach [[Fateh Daud|Daud]], the ruler of Multan.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=148}} He declined the request and even went to the extent of stationing troops on the banks of Indus to prevent Mahmud's crossing, an enraged Mahmud waged a cataclysmic war upon the Shahis and compelled Anandapala to escape to Kashmir before eventually finishing his original objective of conquering Multan.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=148-149}} All these territories of "Hind" were left under the governorship of a certain Sukhapala, a neo-convert.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=149-150}}
In theory, the caliph as the successor of the Prophet was the fountainhead of all political authority. Kings and all tribal chiefs were subordinate to him and his sanction alone could provide legal basis for their authority. With the waning of political might of the caliphate, its governors in [[Khurasan]] set up their own strong kingdom – the [[Samanid dynasty]] (c. 819-1005) – controlling regions west and north of [[Koh Hindu Kush]] up to [[Balkh]]. Under the loosely centralized feudal government of the Samanids, [[Transoxiana]] and Khurasan prospered with a notable expansion of industry and commerce. Samanids were great art patrons and they turned [[Bukhara]] and [[Samarkand]] in to famous cultural centres, rivaling [[Baghdad]].<ref>"C. V. Vaidya, ''History of Mediaeval Hindu India'', Vol. III, pp. 8-13; and others."</ref>
However, a couple of years hence, Sukhapala renounced Islam (c. late 1006) and declared rebellion.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=149-150}} At this juncture, Anandapala tried to make space for himself by promising to aid Mahmud in containing Turk rebellions at the other side of his empire; apparently, he did not want a ruler who had defeated him, to be defeated by another.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=150}}{{Efn|This information comes from Al-biruni, someone who had described Anandapala to have the greatest hatred for Islam.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=150}}}} It is unknown whether Anandapala's offer was accepted but Mahmud stalled his chase of Ilaq Khan and turned his attention to the Shahis; Sukhapala offered negligible resistance before fleeing into Kashmur from where he was captured, fined, and imprisoned to death.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=150}} It is likely that Anandapala was installed as the next Ghaznavid vassal.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=}}
[[Yaqub-i-Lais]] the ‘Saffar’, an upstart from Sistan, established himself as the [[Amir]] of Sistan (r. 867-879) and became too powerful to be controlled by the Samanids or the caliph. However, with all his power, Yaqub failed to subdue the neighbouring Hindu kingdom of Zabul under Rutbil, the Kshatriya Shahi ruler. In 870 he maneuvered to assassinate Rutbil by [[treachery]] on the ruse of paying homage and negotiating peace. “The victory that Yaqub attained was the result of treachery and deception such as no one had ever committed”. (Nuruddin Mohammad ’Ufi)
C. December 1008, Mahmud mounted an invasion of Hindu Shahis for reasons which are not clear.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=151}} Anandapala sent a large army, supplanted with neighboring troops under the commandership of his son, Trilochanapala, who arrived in the plains of [[Chhachh|Chach]] but failed to prevent Mahmud's troops from crossing across the Indus.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=151}} The [[Battle of Chach]] ended with the defeat of the Hindu Shahis.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=151-152}} Mahmud chased the fugitive troops for months, seizing [[Nagarkot, India|Nagarkot]] to collect his war-spoils, in the process and even took a son of Anandapala as hostage.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=152-153}} Governors were installed across the conquered provinces and Mahmud would return to Ghazni.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=}}
Hindu India had, thus, lost [[Zabulistan]] - its frontier state west of Ghazni - which had protected it from the world conquering Arabs for more than two centuries. Instead, [[Kabulistan]] became its north-western buffer state. It would also play a role as heroic as Zabulistan but, perhaps lulled by this long spell of security, India failed to protect itself when the Islamic whirlwind reached the mainland.
This would be the last military conflict of Anandapala; the next year, Anandapala sent an embassy to Mahmud.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=155}} The proposal of peace was accepted and in return, Hindu Shahis were to accept tributary status, provide (limited) military support, guarantee passage of troops, and remit an annual tribute.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=155}} Mahmud sent his own agents to oversee the enforcement of the peace treaty and within a year, normal trade relations had resumed.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=155}} The death of Anandapala is not recorded in any chronicle; however, it can be ascertained to be c. late 1010 - early 1011.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=156}} The fate of the son taken back to Ghazni remains unknown.
'''The Brahmana Hindu Shahi Dynasty of Kabul'''
KALLAR AND SAMANTADEVA
=== Trilochanapala and Bhimapala ===
As stated by Al Beruni, Kallar a Brahmana Vazir, had taken control of the kingdom of Kabul. He ruled under the name ''Spalapatideva'' which he used on his ‘Bull and Horseman’ type of coins. Like the [[Ancient Rome|Romans]] and the [[Kushana]]s, he used coinage as the medium of manifestation of his royal power and the following points need to be highlighted:
Al-Biruni held that Trilochanapala had a favorable attitude towards Muslim subjects, unlike his father.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=157}} Trilochanapala did not dishonor Anandapala's treaty, but when Mahmud wished to march towards [[Thanesar]] via Hindu Shahi territories, he proposed that the city be spared in lieu of a negotiated peace treaty.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=157-158}} Mahmud rejected the request and sacked Thanesar with an uneventful passage via Shahi territories.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=158}} However, as a consequence or otherwise, Trilochanapala soon stopped paying the annual tributes to Mahmud and declared war.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=158}}
[[File:Mahmud of Ghazni on an elephant.jpg|thumb|[[Mahmud of Ghazni]] riding an elephant following his conquest in India.]]
(i) A new legend Spalapatideva on the coins declared the fact of change in the government, further proclaiming who was in command of it.
In November 1013, Mahmud progressed towards Hind to contain Trilochanapala but failed to make it across the snow-laden passes.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=159}} Taking advantage of this delay, Trilochanapala tasked his son Bhimapala with arranging Shahi troops and went to Kashmir, where he received a battalion from king [[Sangramaraja]] of the [[Lohara dynasty]], commanded by Tunga.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=159}} The face-off happened in the middle of the following year.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=}} Bhimapala initially went about exploiting the local topography of a narrow mountain-pass in his favor, and launched stinging guerrilla attacks on Mahmud's troops—to the extent of being referred to by Uth'bi as "Bhima, the Fearless", until he got confident of his numerical superiority and switched to open-warfare; in the mayhem that followed this tactical blunder, the Shahis were routed and Bhima had to flee.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=159-160}}
(ii) The humped bull (''nandi, a vahna of Shiva''), the trident, the conch shell and ''deva'' name-ending showed the new rulers were devotees of [[Shaivism]] –conveying a conclusive break with the previous state-patronised Buddhism.
(iii) The ruler riding on horseback and holding a raised weapon (lance) as inscribed on the reverse of the Shahi coins, tended to convey a strong message about the might of the new administration.
(iv) For the first time, [[Sharada]] script was used on the Shahi coins, which practice was continued by his successors.
The fortress at [[Nandana]] was sacked for war-spoils and a Ghaznavid governor was installed, while Mahmud went searching for Trilochanapala.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=161}} Trilochanpala, in the meantime, had set up his base with Kashmiri forces on the banks of the [[Poonch River]].{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=162}} An initial round of success against a Ghaznavid reconnaissance party contributed to Tunga's pride and he then mounted a disastrous maneuver without consulting experienced Shahi generals, ensuring another crippling defeat coupled with a total loss of territory, west of Tausi.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=162}} Rahman noted this campaign to be the death-blow for the Hindu Shahis — "it was no longer a question of whether but a question of when" the Shahis would perish.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=162}}
Kallar i.e. Spalapatideva proved to be an able and competent [[administrator]]. With appropriation of government by him, an era of sound [[economy]] and stable [[political power]] was introduced in the Shahi state. The menace of periodic Arab incursions came to an end. As a devout Brahmana he was of a religious nature (Shaiva) and governed like an efficient Kshatriya – being correctly described as a ''Brahma-Kshatra''.
From the outset of his rule, Trilochanapala had chosen to expand into the [[Siwalik Hills]] to make up for the territories lost in his predecessors' conflicts with the Ghaznavids: this brought him into multiple conflicts with Chandar Rai of [[Sharwa]].{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=162}} But the fatal encounter with Mahmud ensured that Trilochanapala had nowhere but the Siwaliks to retreat into and compelled him to enter into a peace treaty, even offering his son to be married to the daughter of Chandar.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=162-163}} The offer was accepted but Bhima was imprisoned when he went to bring the bride home and Chandar asked for reparations.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=163}} This brought an end to Trilochanapala's imperial ambitions in the Lower Himalayas for the time being though stray conflicts continued.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=163}}
According to ''The Mazare Sharif Inscription of the Time of the Shahi Ruler Veka'', recently discovered from northern Afghanistan and reported by the [[Taxila Institute of Asian Civilisations]], [[Islamabad]], [[Veka]] (sic.) conquered northern region of Afghanistan ‘with eight fold forces’ and ruled there. He established a [[Shiva]] temple there which was inaugurated by ''[[Parimaha Maitya]]'' (the Great Minister).<ref>"See R. T. Mohan, ''AFGHANISTAN REVISITED'' … Appendix – A, pp. 162-163. "</ref> He also issued copper coins of the Elephant and Lion type with the legend Shri Vakkadeva.
When Mahmud sacked Sharwa while returning from his [[Kanauj]] campaign (c. 1017), Trilochanapala is noted to have taken refuge with [[Bhoja|Paramara Bhoja]].{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=163-164}} Sometime soon, significant polities in the [[Doab]] entered into treaties with one another and with the Hindu Shahis to ward off future invasions of a similar scale.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=164}} Mahmud did not take kindly to these alliances and returned in October 1019.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=164}} Trilochanapala's men were tasked by [[Vidyadhara (Chandela ruler)|Vidyadhara of Chandela]] to prevent Mahmud's troops from crossing across the [[Ramganga]] (somewhere around [[Bulandshahr]]) and they took positions at the eastern bank but failed to execute the task.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=164}} Subsequently, Trilochanapala planned to move away, probably to join Vidyadhara's forces for the main faceoff, but a swift charge by Mahmud's troops inflicted yet another resounding defeat.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=165}} Bulandshahr was sacked and two of his wives and daughters imprisoned.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=165}} He tried to enter into a peace-treaty but in vain, causing him to flee to Vidyadhara.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=165}} It is not known whether he made it to the camp but Vidyadhara is noted to have deserted his posts by then.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=166}}
Nine principal issues of Bull and Horseman ''[[silver]]'' coins and only one issue of corresponding ''[[copper]]'' coins of Spalapatideva have become available. As many as five Elephant and Lion type of copper coins of Shri Vakkadeva are available and curiously the copper issues of Vakka are ''contemporaneous'' with the silver issues of Spalapati.<ref>"D. W. Macdowall, “The Shahis of Kabul and Gandhara” ''Numismatic Chronicle'', Seventh Series, Vol. III, 1968, pp. 189-224, see extracts in R. T. Mohan, ''AFGHANISTAN REVISITED'' … Appendix –B, pp. 164-68"</ref>
In 1021,{{efn|This date is from Al-biruni. Ibn AL-athir says that Trilochanapala perished soon after his defeat at the hands of Mahmud.}} Trilochanapala, by then a ruler of little significance in all probabilities, was assassinated by his mutinous Hindu troops for reasons unknown.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=166}} Bhimapala, who must have escaped the Rais sometime in between, succeeded him and continued to rule until 1026; nothing is known about his rule or territories.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=166-167}}
It is a reasonable surmise that recognizing the qualities, as a commander and administrator, of Vakkadeva his sovereign Spalaptideva of Kabul groomed him as a [[cadet prince]] and let him issue copper coins to be used as small change with his own silvers, in the whole kingdom. He ceased to issue his own copper coins. Spalapatideva continued as a Vazir and anointed this ‘tried in war veteran’ ''(jang aazmooda)'' as the king.<ref>"Harichand Vaid, ''Gulshane Mohyali'', (Lahore, 1923), II, p. 182."</ref> Vakkadeva took the name Samantadeva and issued Bull and King-on-Elephant silver commemorative coins on his coronation. His Bull and Horseman silver coins gained popularity far and wide among the [[mercantile]] classes. His name ‘became so celebrated that we find it upon the coins of successors, down to the Mohammadan conquest of [[Delhi]] in 1192 and the coins of [[Rai Pithora]].<ref>"Elliot and Dowson, ''The History of India'' …, Vol. II, pp. 422-23."</ref> E. Thomas describes Samantadeva as the greatest of the earlier (Brahmana) Hindu Shahis.<ref>"E. Thomas, ‘On the Kings of the Dynasty of the Hindu Kings of Kabul’, ''Numismatic Chronicle'', Vol. IX, 1848, p. 18f."</ref> Al Beruni has not included the name of Vakkadeva in his list of Kallar’s successors because, although an issuer of copper coins, he was only a governor within the sovereignty of Kabul.
=== Unsuccessful renaissance ===
'''Kabul Town Not Attacked'''
[[File:MassudOfGhazniCoin.jpg|thumb|[[Ghaznavid bilingual coinage]] of [[Mas'ud I of Ghazni]] (r. 1030-1040 CE), derived from Hindu Shahi designs, with the name of Mas'ud ({{langx|fa|مسعود}}) around the head of the horserider.]]
''Adab al-harb''—a manual of state-craft produced during the times of [[Iltutmish]], which contains a host of unique information about the Ghaznavids—note that in 1040, one Sandbal, a grandson of the Kabul Shah, marched towards Lahore seeking to utilize the [[Masʽud I of Ghazni#Death and aftermath|imprisonment of Masʽud I]] and resulting political instability to his favor.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=329-330}} The armies met at Qadar Jur (var. Qalachur) and despite the Shahis having numerical superiority, they were defeated as their troops left the battle in a state of panic once Sandbal was assassinated by a Turk archer.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=329-330}}<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Shafi |first=Iqbal M. |date=1938-04-01 |title=Fresh Light On The Ghaznavids |url=http://noo.rs/tyWiw |journal=Islamic Culture |language=en |volume=46 |issue=1 |pages=213–215}}</ref> He seemed to have been based around the Siwaliks and might have been a Shahi heir — many contemporary Muslim chronicles do mention a Hindu triumvirate to have unsuccessfully attacked the Ghaznavids around the same time but mention only two of the names, both petty Siwalik chieftains and not Sandbal.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=329-330}} Some Shahis migrated into Kashmir and gained prominent positions in their court.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=90, 322-325}}
== Culture and architecture ==
Yaqub not only killed the Rutbil of Zabul but he moved around the Koh Hindu Kush, like a tornado, destroying several ruling chiefs. He also raided Balkh and ruined the famous temple [[Naushad]] there. Historians are not agreed about the exact route followed by him but he did occupy [[Panjshir]] (c. 872-73) and he struck his coins there. That he considered it important enough to proclaim his control over a town other than the capital city of the Shahi kingdom should be enough indication that Kabul was not in his possession. On return from his campaign he sent highly valuable objects to [[Caliph Mutmid]] (870-92). It is stated that these included gold and silver ‘idols from Kabul’. This has led to many baseless assertions leading to serious distortions in the history of Shahis – including a conjecture that Shahis lost their capital town of Kabul to Yaqub and hence they shifted to Udabhandapura (also known as Waihind, Ohind or Und), situated about 14 miles above [[Attock]] on the right bank of [[river Sindh]].
=== Culture ===
On his way back from Balkh, Yaqub is stated to have attacked Kabul. “Whether the word Kabul stands here for the city in particular or Kabul valley in general, is not clearly stated. The sequence of events, however, suggests that latter was probably the case”. (Abdur Rahman).<ref>"Abdur Rahman, ''The Last Two Dynasties of the Shahis'', pp. 101-103"</ref> As we know, Shahis had a governor in Northern Afghanistan. Invasion of this province was an attack on (the state of) Kabul and the [[idol]]s, say from the Shiva temple established by Vakkadeva would verily be ‘idols from Kabul’. There is no indication of a direct battle between Yaqub and the king of Kabul, which event could not go unreported.<ref>"''Ibid''. , p. 102."</ref> The continued grandeur of the Shahi king during this period confirms that he had not been mauled by any [[invader]].
[[Shaivism]] was practised by the Hindu Shahis and likely was also the predominant religion; [[Saura (Hinduism)|Saura]] was practised by some subjects, as were [[Buddhism]] and [[Islam]].<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Meister|first=Michael W.|date=2007-03-01|title=Image Iconopraxis and Iconoplasty in South Asia|url=https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/RESv51n1ms20167713|journal=Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics|volume=51|pages=13–32|doi=10.1086/RESv51n1ms20167713|s2cid=133267017|issn=0277-1322}}</ref>{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=33-34}}{{sfn|Khaw|2016}} Kabul exported cotton clothing and indigo.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=30}} [[Ibn Hawqal]] mentions the high quality cotton and wool industries during Shahi reign in which exports to China and Khorusan were noted. Silver ore was also smelted in [[Andarab]] and mining occurring in the [[Panjshir Province|Panjshir]] region.<ref>{{Cite web |title=The last two dynasties of the Sahis: an analysis of their history, archaeology, coinage and palaeography |url=https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/11229/1/Rehman_A_1976.pdf |page=30}}</ref>
It is also noted that the [[Bactrian script]] during the Hindu Shahis was discontinued and instead replaced with the [[Sharada script]]. The dress customs were noted as clothing consisting of cotton outer garments, trousers and shoes with men shaving their hair and beards.<ref>{{Cite web |title=The last two dynasties of the Sahis: an analysis of their history, archaeology, coinage and palaeography |url=https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/11229/1/Rehman_A_1976.pdf |pages=33-36}}</ref> A gold coin of Bhimadeva describes him as wearing a [[Dhoti]] and [[Uttariya]].<ref>{{Cite web |title=The last two dynasties of the Sahis : an analysis of their history, archaeology, coinage and palaeography |url=https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/11229/1/Rehman_A_1976.pdf |page=205}}</ref>
It was some time during this period that the Shahis shifted their capital from Kabul to Udabhandapura. With Muslim occupation of Zabulistan, the Shahis had lost the buffer for attacks from that side. Udabhandapura was protected by the intervening mountains and the [[Khyber Pass]]. This location could ensure safe lines of communication from neighbouring Hindu kingdoms of [[northern India]]. It was the first [[entrepot]] in Afghanistan for the [[trade caravan]]s coming from India and it was as necessary to secure this town as the next [[trading post]] of Kabul – which of course continued to remain under their control. Subsequent history justifies this strategic move. Of his two sons Samantadeva appointed one as the governor of Kabul and the other helped him at Udabhandapura.
=== Architecture ===
'''The Illustrious Shahi Ruler of Udabhandapura'''
New temples were built inside fortresses while existing ones were extensively refurbished or repurposed.{{sfn|Meister|2010|p=}} The Gandhar-[[Nagara architecture|Nagara]] style of architecture developed distinct formulations under the Hindu Shahis.{{sfn|Meister|2010|p=}} Meister notes a typical Hindu Shahi temple to have two ground-level chambers embedded within a tower leading to a ''[[minaret]]'' like appearance with an [[ambulatory]] at the top, that is accessible by a stairwell.{{sfn|Meister|2010|p=12}} He dates construction of eight temples to the Hindu Shahis, six of which are photographed below.{{sfn|Meister|2010|p=36-38}} There were also two sandstone temples at [[Malot, Islamabad|Malot]] and Shiv-Gangā (10th c.) which exhibited a blend of Shahi and Kashmiri architecture, bearing testimony to the cultural flows between the two polities.{{sfn|Meister|2010|p=57-59}}
{{gallery
| title =Hindu Shahi Temples
| state = expanded
| mode = packed
| File:KafirKot Temple (D) Ruins.jpg
| [[Kafir Kot]]{{efn|Temple D—per Meiser's designations—near the main gateway to the north. The complex has four temples.}}
| File:Gumbat Temple Ruins.jpg
| Gumbat
| File:Bilot Temple B.jpg
| Bilot Fort Temple{{efn|Temple B, per Meiser's designations. The complex has eight temples.}}
}}[[File:Linga with face of Shiva. 9th century Afghanistan.jpg|thumb|''Ekhamukhaling'': linga with face of Shiva. 9th century Afghanistan. Art of the Hindu Shahi kingdom.{{sfn|Kossak|Lerner|1994}}]]
The archaeology of the Hindu Shahis remains unrecognized and poorly understood.{{sfn|Meister|2010|p=5}} Dani ascribed ruined forts to the Hindu Shahis at [[Pehure Hamlet|Pehur]], Kamala, and Bata, but without detailed reasoning.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=268}} Hund remains the main archaeological site.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=269}} Fragmentary evidence is located across the Peshawar valley.{{sfn|Meister|2010|p=4}} Excavations by Rahman et al, documented a Buddhist monastery at [[Barikot]], which was repurposed to a Hindu Shahi fort.
== Scholarship ==
Samantadeva is to be recognized as the [[Lalliya Shahi]] of [[Rajatarangini]] which gives a colourful description of this Shahi ruler:
Scholarship on Hindu Shahis{{Efn|The name is derived from Al-Biruni. Etymological origin of "Shahi" remains poorly understood; it derived either from Greek or Persian. A royal epithet, it was first used by Kushana rulers. The actual name of the dynasty—that is, how they referred to themselves or their polity—remains unknown. In general, the characteristic of Kingdoms in far-northwestern India was to designate themselves with respect to their geographic identities than familial or religious affiliations.{{sfn|Salomon|2003}}}} remains scarce.{{sfn|Khan|2017}} [[Anti-Indian sentiment#Pakistan|Enmity towards the Hindu-majority India]] (also see [[Pakistani textbooks controversy|Pakistan textbook controversy]]) & glorification of Mahmud Sebuktegin by the Pakistani government is considered to be main reasons behind lack of scholarship on pre-Islamic regional polities of the country. {{Citation needed|date=December 2024}}
Colonial scholars—[[James Prinsep]], [[Alexander Cunningham]], [[Henry Miers Elliot]], [[Edward Thomas (antiquarian)|Edward Thomas]] et al.—had published on the Hindu Shahis, primarily from a numismatic perspective.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=xii-xiii}} The first comprehensive volume on the subject appeared in 1972 by Yogendra Mishra, a professor in the Department of History of [[Patna University]]; he explored the Rajatarangini meticulously but lacked in numismatics and paleography.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=xiii}} The next year, Deena Bandhu Pandey—Professor of Art History at [[Banaras Hindu University]]—published his doctoral dissertation but his handling of Muslim sources, coins etc. were laden with errors, primarily stemming from an exclusive dependence upon English translations of Arabic/Persian chronicles.{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=xiii-xiv}} Both of these works are considered outdated and inaccurate, at large.{{sfn|Khan|2017}}
[[Allakhana]]’s support, the illustrious Lalliya Shahi – who (placed) between the rulers of the ''[[Darad]]s'' and ''[[Turushka]]s'' as between a lion and a boar … in whose town of Udabhanda other kings found safety … whose mighty glory (outshoned) the kings in the North … <ref>"M. A. Stein, Tr. ''Kalhana’s Rajatarangini'', V. 152-53."</ref>
In 1979, Abdur Rehman received his [[PhD]] from [[Australian National University]] on "history, archaeology, coinage, and paleography" of the Turk Shahis and Hindu Shahis under the supervision of [[Arthur Llewellyn Basham]].{{sfn|Khan|2017}}{{sfn|Rehman|1976|p=xvi}} He has since published on the subject extensively and is considered to be an authority on the subject.{{sfn|Khan|2017}}{{sfn|Meister|2010|p=9}} In 2010, [[Michael W. Meister]]—Chair Professor of Art-History at UPenn—published a monograph on the temple-architecture of Sahis; he had worked with Rahman on multiple field investigations.{{sfn|Meister|2010|p=9}} In 2017, Ijaz Khan received his [[PhD]] from the School of Ancient History and Archaeology of the [[University of Leicester]] on "Settlement Archaeology of the Hindu Shahi[s] in North-Western Pakistan."{{sfn|Khan|2017}}
It is ridiculous to ''presume'' that this illustrious Shahi, under whom other kings of the north sought refuge, was not in control of his capital town of Kabul.
==See also==
KAMALAVARMAN
* [[History of the Punjab]]
* [[History of Pakistan]]
* [[Turk Shahis]]
==Notes==
According to Al Beruni, Samanta was succeeded by [[Kamlu]] (Kamalavarman). There are two important references about him in ancient chronicles. After the death of Yaqub-i-Lais, his brother [[Amr-i-Lais]] took over the [[Saffarid]] kingdom, which still controlled Zabulistan. He kept clear of the neighbouing (Brahmana) Shahis but a governor sent by him to Zabulistan created a piquant situation. We reproduce here from ''[[Jami ul Hikayat]]'' of [[Mohammad 'Ufi]]:
{{notelist}}
==References==
It is related that Amru Lais conferred the governorship of Zabulistan on [[Fardaghan]] and sent him there at the head of four thousand horse. There was a large Hindu place of worship in ''that'' country, which was called [[Sakawand]], and people used to come on pilgrimage from the most remote parts of [[Hindustan]] to the idols of that place. When Fardaghan arrived in Zabulistan he led his army against it, took the temple, broke the idol in pieces, and overthrew the [[idolater]]s. Some of the plunders he distributed among the troops, the rest he sent to Amru Lais, informing him of the conquest, and asking for reinforcements.
''When the news of the fall of Sakawand reached Kamlu, who was [[Rai]] of Hindustan, he collected an innumerable army and marched towards Zabulistan''. Upon hearing of this march, Fardaghan secured several Hindus and sent them to Hindustan. These men entered the camp of Kamlu and reported him that when Fardaghan had conquered Sakawand, he immediately dispatched people to different quarters of the country, calling for additional forces, ''knowing that the Hindu would certainly endeavour to take revenge''. The result was that an army of Mohammedans had been collected around him, such as would, coerce the very ends of the earth. Behind him also the army of Amru Lais was advancing. When Rai Kamlu heard this intelligence, he halted where he was and was very cautious in his movements. ''In the meantime, Fardaghan received reinforcements from Khurasan, such that the enemy had not the power to cope with. By this ingenious device he succeeded in his object''. (emphasis added)<ref>"Muhammad ‘Ufi, ''Jami ul Hikayat'' in Elliot and Dowson ''History of India'' … Vol. II, p. 173."</ref>
'''Kamalavarman attacks Ghazni'''
Reliable evidence has now become available indicating that this oft-quoted narration by ‘Ufi was short of the ‘whole truth’. Kamlu did not stop in his tracks by Fardaghan’s ingenious [[propaganda]]. ''[[Tarikh-i-Sistan]]'' illuminates the history of this period differently. Amr-i-Lais’s pre-occupation with affairs in Khurasan and the provocative action of his newly appointed governor of Ghazni, prompted two Indian Kings (Rai of Hindustan), whose names reported in very corrupt form have been restored as ''[[Ashta]]'' and ''[[Tormana]]'', to take firm retaliatory measures. They combined their forces and launched a united invasion of Ghazni. Fardaghan is said to have opposed the Hindu army. The ''Tarikh'' does not tell us whether the city of Ghazni was actually occupied by the victors at this stage or the name Ghazni stands for the province of Zabulistan, and not the city of Ghazni. The news of this invasion reached Amr when he was in [[Gurgan]] on his way to his last encounter with [[Ismail]]. In April 900 Amr was decisively defeated and sent as a prisoner to Baghdad where he breathed his last. He must have passed through Gurgan only a couple of months before his defeat. Thus Kamlu’s invasion of Zabulistan can safely be placed in the beginning of 900 at the latest.<ref>"Abdur Rahman , ''The Last Two Dynasties of the Shahis'', pp. 110-116 quoting ''Tarikh-i-Sistan'', pp. 255-56. Also, André Wink, ''Al Hind'', I, p. 125: “Muslim control of [[Zamindwar]] remained imperfect until the end of ninth century, and in Ghazni the Saffarid governor was again expelled by two Indian princes in 890-900 CE” "</ref>
Having successfully dealt with the Saffarids, Ashta (the governor of Kabul) appears to have stayed back and maneuvered a ‘palace coup’. He seized the Shahi throne at Udabhandapura, dislodging his brother Kamalavarman but the state of Kashmir intervened. ''Rajatarangini'' records that [[Prabhakaradeva]] the ''[[Koshadhyaksha]]'' (Superintendent of Treasury) led a victorious expedition against the Shahi power at the town of Udabhandapura and bestowed the kingdom of the rebellious Shahi (''ajna atikrami Shahi'' – a Shahi violator of order) upon Tormana, Lalliya’s son and gave him the new name ''Kamaluka''.<ref>"M. A. Stein, Tr. Kalhana’s ''Rajatarangini'', V. 232-33."</ref> This may have happened in 903 during the reign of child king [[Gopalavarman]] (r. 902-904) ruling under the guardianship of his mother [[Sugandha]].
Kamaluka has been identified as Kamalavarman , son of Lalliya (Samantadeva). Like his father, Kamalavarman fully protected the Shahi state from the neighbouring Muslim kingdoms. As stated already he took vigorous action to chastise the Saffarid governor for desecrating the Hindu idols at Sakawand – situauted outside his own kingdom. He could get back his throne of Udabhanda with help from Kashmir and continued to rule up to c. 921. He was succeeded by his son, Bhimadeva, in a smooth succession.
BHIMADEVA
''The supreme sovereign, superior king of great kings and supreme lord the Shahi, the illustrious Bhimadeva, who holds the mace and is sprung from Kula Kamalavarman …''
This is how Bhimadeva, son and successor of Kamalavarma, is described in the [[Dewai Stone Inscription]].<ref>"From D. R. Sahni, Six inscriptions in the Lahore Museum’ Epigraphia Indica,Vol. xxi, no. 44, pp. 298-299, as slightly amended by D. B. Pandey, ''The Shahis of Afghanistan and the Punjab'', p.165."</ref> Another stone inscription – Hund Slab Inscription of the Time of Jayapaladeva - praises the valour of Bhimadeva in glowing terms. It states that “to the north of the (sacred river) Indus there is a (city) by the name of Udabhanda” … “wherein dwelt the chief of Kings, Bhima, of terrible valour, by whom having conquered his enemies’ troops the earth was protected”.<ref>"See R. T. Mohan, ''AFGHANISTAN REVISITED'' … Appendix – C, pp. 170-72."</ref> “The king of that (country) is now Jayapaladeva”
Muslim chronicles do not record any conflict in which Bhimadeva conquered enemies’ troops but there is reliable evidence that Bhimadeva took effective measures to maintain an impressive level of preparedness by equipping his cavalry and other fighting forces. He gave an image of [[Vaikuntha]] from [[Kailash]] to [[Mahipala]], the [[Pratihara]] King of [[Kannauj]] (r. 914-948) and obtained from him a force composed of elephants and horses.<ref>"Keilhorn, ‘Khujaraho Stone Inscription of Dhanga VS 1011’ ''Epigraphia Indica'', Vol. I,
1892-93, pp 122-135: verse 43 in English translation, p. 134 G."</ref> Later this image was installed in a beautiful temple at [[Khujaraho]] by King [[Yashovarman]].
'''Hindu Rule at Ghazni'''
During the reign of Kamalavarman, the Saffarid rule weakened precipitately and ultimately Sistan became a part of the [[Samanid Empire]]. Disorder generally prevailed and the control of Zabulistan changed hands frequently. Taking advantage of the situation, the Shahis stepped up activities on their western frontier. The result was the emergence of a small Hindu power at Ghazni, supported by the Shahis. “The authorities either themselves of early date or enshrining early information mention [[Lawik]]” who was a pagan (Hindu) as the ruler at Ghazni, before this place was taken over by the Turkish slave governor of the Samanids.<ref>"C. E. Bosworth, ‘Notes on Pre-Ghaznavid History of Eastern Afghanistan, ''Islamic Quarterly'', Vol. XI, 1965."</ref>
By the middle of the tenth century Turkish slaves began to acquire power in the Samanid realm, as they were holding principal offices in the court and kingdom. One of these, [[Alaptagin]], a former Hajib or Door Keeper, defeated the superior royal army near [[Khulm Pass]] and decided to carve out an independent kingdom for himself. He first took over [[Bamian]] ‘the country of infidel (Hindu) [[Shir Barak]]’. He next turned to Ghazni where Lawik, its ruler, submitted after a prolonged siege of four months. Alaptagin thus became the undisputed master of Ghazni but he died soon thereafter and his son [[Abu Ishaq]] succeeded him in 963.
Substitution of Hindu [[potentate]]s of Bamian and Ghazni by an emerging Turkish power posed a serious threat for the Shahi kingdom which acted with ‘remarkable alacrity’ at this stage. The Lawik was sent back to Ghazni with a huge army which ousted the Turks and sent Abu Ishaq flying to Bukhara. The Shahis had secured their western frontier – for the time being. But the gathering storm had not blown away.
'''Bhimadeva and Kashmir'''
Bhimadeva had only one daughter and no son. This daughter was married to “King [[Simhraja]], the lord of [[Lohara]] and other strongholds.”<ref>"M. A. Stein, Tr. Kalhana’s ''Rajatarangini'', VI. 176-78."</ref> Lohara or Lohkot was a strong [[hill fort]] strategically located on the south-western border of Kashmir, near an entrance (mountain pass) to Kashmir. Simhraja was ruling that region, broadly identified by modern [[Punch]] and Rajauri. The fort is now in ruins and its site is in Pakistan-administered Kashmir. [[Didda]], the daughter of Simharaja, out of the wedlock was married to [[Kshemgupta]] the King of Kashmir (r.950-958). ‘Illustrious Bhimashahi’, the maternal grandfather of this queen, built a richly endowed temple, ''Bhima Keshava'', near [[Martand]] in Kashmir. “It is an indication of Bhima Shahi’s power that he created a temple bearing his name in the adoptive country of his grand daughter.”
'''End of Bhimadeva'''
The Shahi state had successfully managed to ward off danger from the strong neighbouring kingdom of the Samanids for more than a century. That Muslim kingdom was gradually decaying but its ambitious Turk officers were acquiring power and setting up personal [[fiefdom]]s, menacing the Hindu states south of Koh Hindu Kush. Though ruling with grandeur, unmolested by any neighbouring kingdom, Bhimadeva was getting old and must have been weighing his options in the matter of succession, because he did not have a male heir. The Shahi kingdom was strong and prosperous but not easy to govern - and protect. He could not count either on the Lawiks or his grand daughter Didda of Kashmir for this onerous responsibility. He selected the allied kingdom of Punjab for this honour and probably installed a successor in his own life time for the succession seems to have been without ‘contest or convulsion’.<ref>'Raizada Harichand Vaid, ''Gulshane Mohyali'', II, pp. 83 and 183-84."</ref>
As a devout Brahmana he decided to dedicate himself to God Shiva by committing [[ritual suicide]] like many other devotees – savants and sovereigns – before him. The [[Hund Slab Inscription]] states (verse viii) that Bhima, King of Udabhanda, was “burnt up by himself (i.e. by Shiva) through (Shiva’s) desire and not through the terrible enemy.”
Om ! Hail ! in the reign of the supreme sovereign, the superior king of great kings and supreme lord, the illustrious Jayapaladeva, at holy [[Vajarasthan]] … <ref>"From D. R. Sahni, Six inscriptions in the Lahore Museum’ ''Epigraphia Indica'',Vol. xxi, no. 44,1931-32, p. 299. "</ref>
'''Hund Slab Inscription of the Time of Jayapaladeva'''
To the north of Indus, which is a mass pf complete merit here on earth, there is a (city) by name Udabhanda, which has been made their home by learned, men forming communities … therein dwelt the chief of kings, Bhima, of terrible valour …the king of that country is now Jayapaladeva, who through his body, origin and birth, has become the sole hero. … <ref>"See R. T. Mohan, ''AFGHANISTAN REVISITED'' … Appendix – C, pp. 170-72."</ref>
According to Al Beruni, Bhima was succeeded by Jayapala. But who was Jayapala? And what was their mutual relationship? Bhima was ruling south-west of river Sindh but the kingdom of Jayapala extended from [[Sirhind]] to Kabul: what accounts for this sudden territorial expansion? Here we quote [[Raizada Hari Chand Vaid]]:
“When this valiant ruler (Bhima Shahi) died without a male heir, his kingdom came under the domination of Maharaja Prithvipala, ruler of Punjab. Although the Muslims were ruling all over Khurasan, no one dared to oppose him.” [[Prithvipala]] died after one year and his son Jayapala succeeded to this combined kingdom of Punjab and Kabul. The family of Jayapala belonged to another fraternal tribe of martial Brahmanas.<ref>"Raizada Harichand Vaid, ''Gulshane Mohyali'', II, pp. 82-83."</ref>
With Jayapala, a new dynasty started ruling over the former Shahi kingdom of south- eastern Afghanistan and the change over was smooth and consensual. On his coronation, Jayapala used the additional name-suffix ''deva'' from his predecessor’s dynasty in addition to the ''pala'' name-ending of his own family. (With Kabul lost during the lifetime of Jayapaladeva, his successors – Anandapala, Trilochanapala and Bhimapala - reverted to their own family ''pala''-ending names.) Jayapala did not issue any coins in his own name. Bull and Horseman coins with the legend Samantadeva, in billon, seem to have been struck during Jayapala’s reign. As the successor of Bhima, Jayapala was a Shahi monarch of the state of Kabul, which now included the Punjab. Minhaj-ud-din describes Jayapala as “the greatest of the Rais of Hindustan.” <ref>"H. G. Raverty, Tr. ''Tabaqat-i-Nasiri'' of Maulana Minhaj-ud-din, Vol. I, p. 82"</ref>
From the beginning Jayapala followed an aggressive and pro-active policy towards the Turks. As stated earlier, Abu Ishaq had been evicted from Ghazni and the Lawiks were installed there with Shahi help. In 965, Abu Ishaq regained Ghazni with assistance from the Samanid ruler [[Abu Mansur]] and the Lawik fled to ‘[[Hind]]’ once again to seek help from the Shahis. Ultimately, Sabuktagin descended the throne of Ghazni in 977. He soon added [[Bust]], [[Dawar]], [[Qusdar]], [[Tukhristan]] and [[Ghur]] to his dominions. Conflict with ‘Hind’ could not have been postponed for two long.
'''Jayapala Attacks Sabuktagin'''
[[Sabuktagin]] was gradually nibbling at the border territories of the kingdom of [[Udabhanda]]. Jayapala decided to push back the Turks and put an end to this menace. “He arose with his relations and generals of his army, and his vassals, and hastened with his huge [[elephant]]s to wreak his revenge upon Sabuktagin, trusting to his own resources and power.” (Utbi) Sabuktagin came out to face the Hindu army and they fought for several days (c. 986-87). Then there was a natural calamity. “Instantly the sky lowered and lightening, wind and hail succeeded turning the day into night and spreading horror and destruction around; in so much that a great part of the cattle and thousands of soldiers of both armies perished.”<ref>"John Briggs, Tr. ''History of the Rise of the Mahomedan Power in India'' of Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, Vol. I, p. 10."</ref> (Ferishta) Terms of peace were then negotiated and Jayapala failed in his mission to destroy the Turkish state at Ghazni.
In retaliation, Sabuktagin later marched on [[Lamghan]], a city celebrated for its wealth, inside the Shahi dominion. He plundered the whole territory and Lamgham was incorporated into Sabuktagin’s kingdom. Most probably, the Shahis lost Kabul at this stage.
'''Jayapaladeva Again Attacks Sabuktagin'''
Jayapaladeva determined to fight once more and regain his position. He collected a large army and Sabuktagin advanced to face him. It was a fierce battle. “Men and officers mingled in close conflict, and all other arms were useless except the sword.” At the end Jayapala was defeated. He lost more territory but continued to rule from [[Waihind]] and [[Peshawar]].
Despite his victories Sabuktagin must have realized that Jayapala was a formidable foe. He got more involved in the affairs of the Samanid state and left the Shahis in peace. He became very powerful in the Samanid Kingdom by virtue of his strong and disciplined army. Sabuktagin died at [[Balkh]] in 997 at the age of fifty six. After a struggle for succession with brothers, his son Mahmud ascended the throne of Ghazni in 998. Mahmud first consolidated his position on his western front, even if he had to challenge the authority of his Samani over-lord. Soon he had control over [[Herat]], Balkh, Bust and Khurasan. Recognising his power, the Caliph of Baghdad acknowledged him as a sovereign in his own right and conferred high sounding titles on him. The Ghaznavids had thus acquired a status equal to their former masters – the Samanids. The balance of power had been gradually tilting in favour of Ghazni.
'''First confrontation with Mahmud Ghaznavi'''
In September 1001 Mahmud collected a large army and marched towards Hind. On reaching Peshawar he pitched his tents outside the city and formed special contingents of war-hardened men and officers. According to [[Utbi]], Jayapala also fielded a large force ‘but tarried hoping to receive re-inforcements which were on their way.’ Realising the damage of further delay, Mahmud took initiative and attacked with full force. A fierce conflict followed and lasted in full fury till noon. Mahmud was victorious (November 27, 1001). Jayapala, fifteen members of his family and numerous officers were taken prisoners. Immense booty was obtained. According to Utbi, five hundred thousand beautiful men and women were taken as slaves. Jayapala was humiliated by mingling with ordinary prisoners and put to [[auction]]. Mahmud advanced further into Shahi territory and occupied the Shahi capital of Udabhanda. Utbi states that Mahmud had to face resistance from the people even after the forced entry of the Muslims into the city. The royal prisoners were released on the payment of a large [[ransom]] provided by Anandapala, son of Jayapala, who was administering the Shahi domain south of the river Indus. Mahmud returned to Ghazni in the next spring.<ref>"Elliot and Dowson, ''The History of India'' …, Vol. II, pp. 24- 28. Also see S. R. Sharma, Studies in Medieval Indian History, pp. 22-23, quoting Gardizi."</ref>
Having advanced in years Jayapala did not forget his quest for ''[[moksha]]'' (salvation after death-birth cycles) which is the ultimate ambition of every Hindu. To this end he decided to terminate his life by committing ritual suicide as a meritorious act. Jayapaladeva lit his own pyre, probably at the same hallowed spot sanctified earlier where Bhimadeva ‘was burnt up by himself through Shiva’s desire.’
One of the odes of [[Unsuri]], the court poet of [[Mahmud Ghaznavi]], describes the power of Jaypala in these words: “Thou hast heard the account of Jaipal, the king of Hindustan, who was exalted above the chiefs of the world. His army was more numerous than the stars of heaven … His soldiers had so imbrued their hand in blood, that their swords were as red as the morning dawn … Sense fled from brain at fear of him; and the light of eye was confounded.” <ref>"''Epigraphia Indica'', Vol. I, p. 22."</ref>
This was a graceful and sublime exit by a brave but unfortunate Jayapaladeva from an action filled life. He was confident enough of his military prowess to have embarked on repeated invasions against the Turkish state of Ghazni. One cannot but appreciate the incessant exertions of this lone crusader to defend the north-western border of India for almost half a century. That the dice of fate was cast against him does not detract from the immensity of his vigilant efforts in trying to check the march of Turkish armies into India.
India thus lost Afghanistan, not to be regained again. With the defeat of Shahis of Kabul, the balance of power was completely upset. The Sultanate of Ghazni threatened every kingdom between the [[Oxus]] and the [[Ganges]] and destroyed or molested them.
''How does one explain that such a significant chapter of history is not included in the accounts written by medieval and modern historians?'' A Muslim historian was candid about it. [[Abdul-Qadir ibn-i-Muluk Shah]], commonly known as Al Badaoni, has written a History of India, which he calls ''''Muntakhabu-t-Twarikh'''' (Selections from History).<ref>"George S. A. Ranking, Tr. ''Muntkhabu-t-Twarikh'' by Al Badaoni, pp. 11-14."</ref> He begins with Sabuktagin of Ghazni ignoring the protracted struggle of Islam in that region and he explains his reason for it. Briefly alluding to [[Mohammad bin Qasim]] “who conquered the countries of Sindh, Multan and Gujrat”, Badaoni adds “after him the affairs of Islam in that country lost all order”. But, “the first of the Emperors of Islam who were the cause of the conquest of Hindustan were [[Nasiru-d-din Subuktigin]] whose son was Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi ... and in the reign of whose sons Lahore became the seat of Government, ''so that Islam never again lost its hold on that country – accordingly I deemed it right to commence the history with an account of that monarch whose end was glorious.”'' (emphasis added) Thus a Mohammedan historian had his reasons to skip the earlier ‘not so glorious’ struggles of Islamic arms in Afghanistan, when the commanders repeatedly sent by the Caliphs occasionally faced defeat and at least one of them turned hostile on being reprimanded. Afghanistan south of Koh Hindu Kush remained independent for long and Al Badaoni did not find the history of those earlier centuries pleasant enough to be placed on record.
In their turn, the British colonial rulers of India were very comfortable with beginning the Muslim History of India with the narration of Mahmūd Ghaznavi’s repeated incursions and India meekly suffering them, followed by more successful occupation by [[Mohammad Ghauri]] – without any reference to the earlier heroic resistance in defending the Khyber Pass for several centuries. Then the Islamic Rule was followed by the British. Indians were to host them also – which should appear to be their tradition! A conquered nation should not know anything from its past that would inculcate self esteem and self pride. For this, an ingenuous line of thinking was invoked. “In time, however, the purity of the [[Aryan]] race had succumbed to the enervating effects of an intolerable climate and insidious social system. Hence no serious resistance had been offered either to the thrust of Islam or to the advent of colonial powers. India had slumped into seemingly irredeemable decadence and degeneracy,”<ref>" John Keay, ''India: A History'' (Indian Edition, 2004), p. 22."</ref> This pattern of constant invasions excused their presence and feeling of Indians being a castrated nation tended to ensure a trouble free colonial rule.
== References ==
<!--- See [[Wikipedia:Footnotes]] on how to create references using <ref></ref> tags which will then appear here automatically -->
{{Reflist}}
{{Reflist}}
==Sources==
== External links ==
*{{Cite thesis|title=Exploring the Settlement Archaeology of the Hindu Shahi Dynasty (c. 822 CE to c. 1026 CE) in North-Western Pakistan |url=https://leicester.figshare.com/articles/thesis/Exploring_the_Settlement_Archaeology_of_the_Hindu_Shahi_Dynasty_c_822_CE_to_c_1026_CE_in_North-Western_Pakistan/10236317/1 |publisher=University of Leicester |date=2017-10-13 |language=en|first=Ijaz|last=Khan}}
* [http://www.example.com/ example.com]
*{{Cite thesis|title=The Last Two Dynasties of the Sahis: An analysis of their history, archaeology, coinage and palaeography |url=https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/11229 |publisher=Australian National University |date=January 1976 |language=en|first=Abdur|last=Rehman}}
*{{Cite thesis|title=Study and Analysis of Brāhmī and Śᾱradᾱ Inscriptions from Gandhᾱra: its Impact on Religious, Cultural and Historical Landscape of the Region |url= |publisher=University of Peshawar |date=2016 |language=en|first=Nasha Bin Rodziadi|last=Khaw}}
*{{Cite journal|last=Rahman|first=Abdur|date=1998|title=The Zalamkot Bilingual Inscription|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/29757399|journal=East and West|volume=48|issue=3/4|pages=469–473|jstor=29757399|issn=0012-8376}}
*{{Cite journal|last=Rahman|first=Abdul|date=August 2002a|title=New Light on the Khingal, Turk and the Hindu Sahis |url=http://journals.uop.edu.pk/papers/AP_v15_37to42.pdf |journal=Ancient Pakistan |volume=XV |pages=37–42 }}
*{{Cite journal|last=Rahman|first=Abdul|date=August 2002b|title=Arslan Jadhib, Governor of Tiis: the First Muslim Conqueror of Swat |url=http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/ancientpakistan/article/download/225/205 |journal=Ancient Pakistan |volume=XV |pages=11–14 }}
*{{cite journal |last1=Rehman |first1=Abdur |title=An Inscription of Jayapāla Śāhī |journal=Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland |date=1978 |issue=1 |pages=32–33 |jstor=25210916 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/25210916 |issn=0035-869X}}
*{{Cite book|last=Hinüber|first=Oskar|title=Beiträge zur Erklärung der Senavarma-Inschrift|publisher=Franz Steiner Verlag|year=2003|isbn=978-3-515-08203-7|series=Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur|language=de}}
*{{Cite journal|last=Salomon|first=Richard|date=2003|title=Review of Die Palola Ṣāhis: Ihre Steininschriften, Inschriften auf Bronzen, Handschriftenkolophone, und Schutzzauber. Materialen zur Geschichte von Gilgit und Chilas. Antiquities of Northern Pakistan, Reports and Studies, vol. 5|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/24049315|journal=Bulletin of the Asia Institute|volume=17|pages=185–188|jstor=24049315|issn=0890-4464}}
*{{cite book |last1=Balogh |first1=Dániel |title=Hunnic Peoples in Central and South Asia: Sources for their Origin and History |date=12 March 2020 |publisher=Barkhuis |isbn=978-94-93194-01-4 |page=362 |language=en}}
*{{cite book |last1=Sharma |first1=Ram Sharan |author-link=Ram Sharan Sharma|title=Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalisation |date=2003 |publisher=Orient Blackswan |isbn=978-81-250-2523-8 |page=130 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=i_sIE1sO5kwC&pg=PA130 |language=en}}
*{{cite book |last1=Allchin |first1=Raymond |title=Archaeology of Afghanistan: From Earliest Times to the Timurid Period: New Edition |date=3 June 2019 |publisher=Edinburgh University Press |isbn=978-1-4744-5047-8 |language=en}}
*{{cite journal |last1=MACDOWALL |first1=DAVID W. |title=The Shahis of Kabul and Gandhara |journal=The Numismatic Chronicle |date=1968 |volume=8 |pages=192–194 |jstor=42666553 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/42666553 |issn=0078-2696}}
*{{cite journal|last1=Kossak|first1=Steven|last2=Lerner|first2=Martin|date=1994|title=The Arts of South and Southeast Asia|url=https://www.metmuseum.org/art/metpublications/The_Arts_of_South_and_Southeast_Asia_The_Metropolitan_Museum_of_Art_Bulletin_v_51_no_4_Spring_1994|journal=The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin|volume=51|issue=4|pages=35–37|doi=10.2307/3269200|jstor=3269200}}
*{{cite book |last1=Meister |first1=Michael W. |title=Temples of the Indus: Studies in the Hindu Architecture of Ancient Pakistan |date=26 July 2010 |publisher=BRILL |isbn=978-90-04-19011-5 |language=en}}
*{{cite book|last1=Kim|first1=Hyun Jin|title=The Huns|date=19 November 2015|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-317-34091-1|language=en}}
*{{cite book|last1=Flood|first1=Finbarr B.|title=Objects of Translation: Material Culture and Medieval "Hindu-Muslim" Encounter|date=20 March 2018|publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=978-0-691-18074-8|language=en}}
*{{Cite book|last=Inaba|first=Minoru|date=2015|chapter=A Venture on the Frontier: Alptegin's Conquest of Ghazna and its Sequel|title=Medieval Central Asia and the Persianate World|pages=108–128|doi=10.5040/9780755695133.ch-005|isbn=9780755695133}}
*{{Cite book|last=Inaba|first=Minoru|date=2017|chapter=Across the Hindūkush of the ʿAbbasid Period|url=https://brill.com/view/book/edcoll/9789004353046/B9789004353046_007.xml|title=The ʿAbbasid and Carolingian Empires|language=en|pages=123–150|doi=10.1163/9789004353046_007|isbn=9789004353046}}
*{{Cite journal|last=Giunta|first=Roberta|date=2006|title=A Selection of Islamic Coins from the Excavations of Udegram, Swat|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/29757689|journal=East and West|volume=56|issue=1/3|pages=237–262|jstor=29757689|issn=0012-8376}}
*{{Cite journal|last=Anooshahr|first=Ali|date=October 2018|title=The Elephant and the Sovereign: India circa 1000ce|url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-the-royal-asiatic-society/article/abs/elephant-and-the-sovereign-india-circa-1000ce/213E58CE2B0C06D9C527535DE6BB9F21|journal=Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society|language=en|volume=28|issue=4|pages=615–644|doi=10.1017/S1356186318000093|s2cid=165840777|issn=1356-1863}}
*{{Cite journal |last=Anooshahr |first=Ali |date=2005 |title='Utbi and the Ghaznavids at the Foot of the Mountain |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4311725 |journal=Iranian Studies |volume=38 |issue=2 |pages=271–291 |doi=10.1080/00210860500096337 |jstor=4311725 |s2cid=161342122 |issn=0021-0862}}
*{{Cite book|last1=Ball|first1=Warwick|title=The Archaeology of Afghanistan: From Earliest Times to the Timurid Period|last2=Bordeaux|first2=Olivier|last3=Dowall|first3=David W. Mac|last4=Sims-Williams|first4=Nicholas|last5=Taddei|first5=Maurizio|date=May 2019|publisher=Edinburgh University Press|isbn=9780748699179|editor-last=Allchin|editor-first=Raymond|edition=2|language=en|chapter=From the Kushans to the Shahis|editor-last2=Ball|editor-first2=Warwick|editor-last3=Hammond|editor-first3=Norman}}
{{Gandhara}}
<!--- Categories --->
{{Authority control}}
[[Category:Medieval history of Afghanistan]]
[[Category:Medieval Indian dynasties]]
[[Category:History of Hinduism]]
[[Category:Hinduism in Afghanistan]]
[[Category:Hinduism in Afghanistan]]
[[Category:ShahiDynasty]]
[[Category:Hinduism in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa]]
[[Category:Pre-IslamichistoryofAfghanistan]]
[[Category:Hinduism in Punjab, Pakistan]]
[[Category:Kabul Shahi]]
[[Category:Articlescreated via the Article Wizard]]
[[Category:Hindu dynasties]]
[[Category:Former countries in Central Asia]]
Latest revision as of 04:38, 16 December 2024
Medieval Dynasty in North Western South Asia (c. 843–1026)
The Hindu Shahis, also referred to as the Kabul Shahis and Uḍi Śāhis, were a Rajputa dynasty established between 843 CE and 1026 CE. They endured multiple waves of conquests for nearly two centuries and their core territory was described as having contained the regions of Eastern Afghanistan and Gandhara, encompassing the area up to the Sutlej river in modern day Punjab, expanding into the Kangra Valley. The empire was founded by Kallar in c. 843 CE after overthrowing Lagaturman, the last Turk Shahi king.
The history of the Hindu Shahis begins in 843 CE with Kallar deposing the last Turk Shahi ruler, Lagaturman. Samanta succeeded him, and it was during his reign that the region of Kabul was lost to the PersianateSaffarid empire.[2] Lalliya replaced Samanta soon after and re-conquered Kabul whilst also subduing the region of Zabulistan.[3][4] He is additionally noteworthy for coming into conflict with Samkaravarman of the Utpala dynasty, resulting in his victory and the latter's death in Hazara.[5] Bhimadeva, the next notable ruler, is most significant for vanquishing the Samanid Empire in Ghazni and Kabul in response to their conquests.[6] Jayapala then gained control and was brought into conflict with the newly formed Ghaznavid Empire, however, he was eventually defeated. During his rule and that of his son and successor, Anandapala, the kingdom of Lahore was conquered. The following Shahi rulers all resisted the Ghaznavids but were ultimately unsuccessful, resulting in the downfall of the empire in 1026 CE.
No literature survives from Hindu Shahi courts. Unlike the case of Turk Shahis, only fragmented information can be obtained from chronicles of neighboring powers — Kashmir and Ghaznavi.[7][a] Of the former, Kalhana's Rajatarangini (1148-1149) is the only extant source.[7] Of the latter, there are Tārīkh al-Hind by Al-Biruni (c. 1030), Tārīkh-i Bayhaqī by Abu'l-Faḍl Bayhaqi (c. late 11th century),[b] Zayn al-Akhbar by Abu Sa'id Gardezi, and Kitab-i Yamini by al-Utbi (c. 1020).[7][9][8]
Some of the earliest coinage of the Hindu Shahis. Obverse: Recumbent bull, with Nagari legend: Sri Spalapati Reverse: horserider with corrupted Bactrian script: ςρι ςπaλaπaτιSri Spalapati i.e. "Lord Commander-in-chief".[10]
The Hindu Shahis issued silver jital coinage which underwent wide circulation from nearby Sindh[11] to northeastern Europe.[12] They were first "discovered" by James Tod, a British orientalist in 1822.[13] These coins exhibit progressive debasement with time, with a regular decrease of silver content, allowing for the sequencing of the coinage.[14] Early issues do not mention personal names but only generic titles, thereby not matching with the names found from literature.[15] The characteristic motif of a horseman on the reverse with a bull on the obverse goes back to the Indo-Scythian ruler Azes I.
A. R. Rahman of the Quaid-i-Azam University and Ahmad Hasan Dani did rudimentary field surveys in the late 1960s.[7] Afterwards, the Italian Archaeological Mission in Pakistan (IAMP) extensively surveyed the regions in and around Swat.[7] In 1996, Khan and Meister obtained a license from Department of Archaeology for an "integrated study of Hindu-Śāhi sites"; excavation at Kafir-kot and field-surveys of the Salt Range were engaged in with aid from the University of Pennsylvania and the American Institute of Pakistan Studies.[16]
Inscriptions remain scarce.[17] Mostly found in Udabhanda, they either commemorate the commissioning of temples or are affixed at the base of idol-pedestals.[17] Of the former kind—Mir Ali Inscription, Dewal Inscription, Dewai Inscription, Ratnamanjari Inscription, Veka Inscription, Hund Stone Inscription, Kamesvaridevi Inscription, Barikot Inscription, and Isvara Inscription—most are disfigured to various extents due to their use as grinding stones in medieval times and are decipherable only in parts.[17][18] The latter kind is relatively abundant but only provides snippets of trivia.[17] The language is exclusively Sharda.[19][c] A samvat is mentioned in all of them whose zero year is understood to correspond to 822 C.E. based on the Zalamkot Bilingual Inscription; it has been assumed to be initiated by Kallar on his coronation, as was typically the case for most Hindu dynasties of medieval India.[20][21] Copper land grants etc. are yet to be documented.[17]
Horseman on a coin of Spalapati, i.e. the "War-lord". The headgear has been interpreted as a turban.[22]
The 10th century Arab historian Masudi mentioned that in his time the kings of Gandhara were all called "" (which has been variously read Hajaj, J.haj or Ch'hach), Elliot transliterated the character to "Hahaj" and Cunningham had it equated to the Janjua tribe/clan, who were held to be descendants of the Rouran Khaganate.[23] Rahman doubts this theory and instead transliterates to "J.haj", an Arabicised form of Chhachh, while the area of Gandhara itself was called "country of the Rahbūt" (Rājpūt)[24] which is even today the name of the region around the Hindu Shahi capital of Hund.[23] In the 10th century, this region was occupied by the tribe of the Gakhars and Khokhars, who formed a large part of the Hindu Shahi army according to the Persian historian Firishta.[23]
Al-Biruni, a contemporary, claimed that the Shahis were Brahmins.[25] However this goes against Masudi's statement, as well as against Kalhana, whose contemporaneous Kshatriyas staked descent from the Hindu Shahis.[25] Rahman speculates that either their Brahmin affiliation was a late rumor floated to justify their original usurpation of the throne, or they were fallen Brahmins, who ran afoul of caste-rules while discharging royal duties.[26] According to André Wink, all other sources state the Shahis as Kshatriyas.[27]
Rahman accepted folklore among current inhabitants of Hund about pre-Muslim kings of the region belonging to the Hodi tribe, and proposed an Odi origin for the Hindu Shahis belonging to Oddiyana, a region in Gandhara. He also pointed to the famous Senvarma inscription as evidence in support and suggested Odi Shahis or Uḍi Śāhis as an accurate name for the dynasty.[28][29][30][d] Meister found Rahman's arguments to be convincing.[32]
The Abbasids led by caliph Al-Ma'mun defeated the Kabul branch of the Turk Shahis in 815 CE who had invaded Khorasan.[33][34] Following this defeat, the Turk Shahis not only had to convert to Islam but also had to cede key cities and regions.[35] Another campaign against the Gandhara branch seems to have followed soon, with the Caliphate reaching as far East as the Indus river and imposing a critical defeat.[36] A hefty annual tribute was to be paid in return for sovereignty rights to both territories.[36][e]
The Turk Shahis ended up in a precarious state and in c. 843 CE, the last ruler Lagaturman was deposed by one of his ministers, a Brahmin vazir called Kallar.[38][39] The sole description of events comes from Al-Biruni:[f] Lagatarman's unbecoming manners had led his subjects to lodge multiple complaints with Kallar, who having chanced upon a treasure trove, was rapidly purchasing his way to power.[8] Kallar imprisoned the King for corruption and became the acting regent before usurping the throne permanently.[41] The new "Hindu Shahi" dynasty was thus established in Gandhara.[42] None apart from Al-Biruni mentions Kallar; nothing is known about his rule or territorial extent or even his regnal dates.[43]
Non-debased Spalapati series (Kabul mint) — weighs between 3.1 and 3.5 g with a uniform content of 70% silver. Obverse: Bull with trisula mark on the hump, with Nagari legend: Śri Spalapatideva "Lord Commander-in-Chief". Reverse: Horseman with a in Nagari to left and symbol to right.[10]
Historians such as that of Alexander Cunningham suggest that coin series bearing the obverse title 'Spalapati' ('Warlord) were minted by Kallar.[8] According to Edward Clive Bayley's misreading of the corrupted remains of a Bactrian legend as Arabic numerals, he proposed that another series of coins bearing the legend 'Samanta' ('Feudatory') were also minted by Kallar.[44] He argued the 'Spalapati' series to have been minted for circulation in Persian regions of his territory and the 'Samanta' series for Sanskrit-speaking regions.[44] and it has been adduced that Kallar may have felt insecure about the legitimacy of his rule as long as the imprisoned Turk Shahi ruler Lagaturman was alive, and hence affirmed his claim to leadership by such indirect titles.[45]
Rather debased Samantadeva series (Kabul mint) — weighs between 2.9 and 3.9 g with a variable content of 60 to 70% silver. Obverse: Bull with trisula mark on the hump, with Nagari legend: Śri Samantadeva. Reverse: Horseman with bhī in Nagari to left and symbol to right.[10]
The 'Spalapati' series may also have been minted by the last Turk Shahi rulers instead as 'Pati Dumi', who was defeated by the Abbasid Caliph Al-Ma'mun, is described by Al-Azraqi and Al-Biruni as an 'Ispahbadh' ('Warlord'), equivalent to the title Spalapati.[46] Rahman therefore believes that Kallar did not initiate any changes in the currency system of the last Turk Shahis[47] and the Samanta series was minted by succeeding Hindu Shahi rulers.[48] Numismatist and historian Michael Alram's publications take note of this view;[49] however some scholars attribute the entirety of the bull/horserider coinage, including the Spalapati series, to the Hindu Shahis.[50]
Al-Biruni notes that Samanta was the successor of Kallar and may have been his son, but their genealogical relationship is left undescribed.[51] Like in the case of Kallar, there is a total lack of information on his rule or even his actual name and he seems to have replicated the Turk Shahi system of producing no name on their coinage.[52] The Samanta series prototype was followed by all future Hindu Shahi rulers and even the Muslim Ghaznavids, who succeeded the Hindu Shahis.[53]
In 870 CE, Ya'qub ibn al-Layth, the founder of the recently formed Saffarid dynasty marched onto Kabul. According to the Tarikh-i Sistan, the Saffarids had come into conflict with the zunbil dynasty based in modern day Ghazni and after having defeated them, a son of the Zunbils had fled into the area corresponding to Kabul resulting in Yaqub's invasion.[2] It has been attested to by numerous sources that Ya'qub had brought forth idols and elephants to the Abbasid Caliph Al-Mu'tamid from Kabul however it not clear whether this is indicative of the city or of the Kabul valley, though according to Rehman the latter was most probable.[54] The Rawżat aṣ-ṣafāʾ states that the ruler of Kabul was made prisoner though it is not clear whether this was Samanta.[55] The region was in Saffarid control until 878 CE before being recaptured by Lalliya, the successor to Samanta.[56]
Saffarid coinage in Kabul, with Arabic
Statue of Yaqub bin Laith al-Saffar (Zabol, Iran), conqueror of the Kabul capital of the Hindu Shahis in 870 CE, and coinage of the Saffarid Governor of Kabul after the capture of the city, issued around 870 CE in Kabul on the Hindu Shahi model. Abbasid dirham weight standard. Obverse: Recumbent bull with Nagari legend (Śrī Khūdarayakah, "The fortunate small Raja"), trisula mark on the hump of the bull. Reverse: horseman with (ma) in Nagari to left, عدل (’adl, "Justice") in Arabic to right.[57]
It is unknown what arrangements Ya'qub made for the governance of Kabul after his victory and imprisonment of the then ruler; we only have Tarikh-i Sistan noting that Kabul was under an unnamed Ya'qub governor as late as 878/879.[58] It is speculated that this governor was some blood relation of Samanta who was favorably inclined to Islam and went on to take the title of Khudarayaka (Small King) as ascertainable from a series of coins.[59][g] As has been the case with previous rulers, there is a lack of information including about his actual name, course of rule and eventual fate.[60] The unavailability of his coins in or around Gandhara points to his lack of control over the region, which did not come into contact with Ya'qub's expeditions and were likely held by Samanta's relatives.[60]
Lalliya was the first Shahi noted by Kalhana, he is depicted as a great ruler with enormous strength to the standard where kings of other regions would seek shelter in his capital of Udabhanda, a change from the previous capital of Kabul.[61]Ya'qub is not known to have annexed or invaded the country of Gandhara and it is assumed by Rehman that it was under the kingship of Lalliya.[62]
Khudrayaka, the Saffarid governor of Kabul, is noted to have ended his reign in 880 CE, however it is unknown what brought about his downfall. It is assumed Lalliya was implicated as when Kabul is next mentioned in 900 CE, it is described as reverting back as Shahi territory.[3]Amr ibn al-Layth succeeded Yaqub as the Amr of the Saffarid dynasty in 879 CE. The Tarikh-i Sistan records 'two Indian kings', reconstructed as Toramana and Asata described as governors and sons of Lalliya, are stated to have taken advantage of Amr al-Layth's preoccupation with rebellions in Khorasan and to have successfully invaded Ghazni in 900 CE, defeating the Saffarid governor named as Fardaghin, though the Tarikh does not make it clear whether it was the region of Zabulistan or of the city.[4]
Kalhana notes that Lalliya was a significant ally of the Gujrati ruler Alakhana against the machinations of the Utpala dynasty, whose ruler Samkaravarman invaded the Hindu Shahis c. 902 CE, however Kalhana further states that Lalliya's 'mighty glory outshone the kings of the north'.[63] Samkaravarman was killed by a stray arrow in Hazara, with scholars stating Lalliya's role in his death.[5] A year later, his successor Gopalavarman re-invaded Shahi territory to depose a rebellious Shahi, and installed Lalliya's son Toramana with the new name of "Kamaluka". [64][h]
Rajat., v, 232-33: As superintendent of the treasury he (Prabhakaradeva, the prime minister of Gopalavarman - the successor of Samkaravarman ) plundered the riches of the amorous (queen) and vanquished the Sahi kingdom at Udabhanda. He bestowed the kingdom of the rebellious Sahi upon Toramana, Lilliya's son, and gave him the (new) name Kamaluka.
Nothing definite is known about the reign of the Hindu Shahi ruler Kamaluka, except that he was succeeded by his son, Bhimadeva. Concurrent to his reign, the Saffarids rapidly lost their power to the Samanids[65] and sometime after 913 CE, the power vacuum led to the rise of a friendly power in the Ghazna province, the Lawik dynasty, which flourished until 962 CE and engaged in marital ties with the Hindu Shahis.[66] There are various unsubstantiated speculations regarding the end date of Kamaluka's reign, ranging from 900 to 950.[67][i]
Strongly debased Bhimadeva series — found near-exclusively in Afghanistan and weighs between 3.1 and 3.2 g. Obverse: Recumbent bull with legend Śri Bhīmadeva. Reverse: Horseman holding banner; na in Nagari to left; trace of symbol to right.[10]
Mentioned as 'Bhima' in Al-Biruni's list, and identified with the Śri Bhīmadeva coin series, Bhimadeva was one of the most accomplished rulers of the Hindu Shahis along side Lalliya.[68] His rise to power was concurrent with the growth of neighboring Hindu kingdoms such as that of the Pala Empire. According to the Khajuraho stone inscription, the Kangra Valley was under the authority of a Shahi king assumed to be Bhimadeva, and it is further presumed that the city of Bhimanagar in present day Kangra was named after him.[69] The Rajatarangini states that Bhima's daughter was married to the Lohara dynasty king of Kashmir, and his grand-daughter noted as Didda became the Queen and last ruler of the Utpala dynasty.[70]
In the final years of Bhima's reign in c. 962, Alp-Tegin, a rebel Turkish chief of the Samanid Empire, had annexed the regions of Zabulistan and Kabul with the aim of waging holy war against the Lawik dynasty and the Hindu Shahis. The Lawik king fled to the Shahi domain in hopes of gaining re-inforcements to conquer the lost territory and in c. 963 Bhimadeva was successful in capturing Ghazni. This victory is engraved in the Hund Slab Inscription dated to c. 989 CE during the reign of the succeeding Shahi Jayapala.[6]
...To the north of the Indus, which is a mass of complete merit here on earth, there is (a city) by name Udabhandra, which has been made their home by learned men forming communities, just as Meru (was made their home) by the immortal (gods) and other (supernatural beings)...
...Therein dwelt the chief of kings, Bhīma, of terrible valour (or with valour like that of Bhīma, the legendary hero), by whom, having conquered his enemies' troops, the earth was protected...
...The king of that (country) is (now) Jayapaladeva, who, through his body, origin, and birth, has become the sole hero, whose very pure fame, having left heaven, has attained the eternal abode of Brahman....
— Excerpts of the Hund inscription of Jayapala (HSI), inscribed Year 146 (968 CE). Translation by Abdur Rehman.[71]
Bhima's death is chronologically placed within the span of 964 to 965 CE. The Hund Slab Inscription attributes his passing to him 'burning himself through Shivas desire but not through the terrible enemy', suggesting a ritualistic suicide, and the absence of any noted political setbacks further supports the inference that his death occurred under such circumstances. In c.965 CE Ghazni was recaptured from the Lawik dynasty by Abu Ishaq, the successor of Alp-Tegin, after Bhimas death.[72]
Bhimadeva's successors would all have the surname of "Pala", and Muslim sources give hazy indications of a successional dispute, leading many to suggest that the same family was not ruling anymore.[73] Rahman disagrees that there exist sufficient evidence in favor of such a hypothesis or conclusion.[73]
One Vijayapaladeva (r. 942 or 963) is obtained from the Ratnamanjari Inscription where he is held to be the 'supreme sovereign' or 'Maharajadhiraja'.[18] Rahman proposed that Vijayapaladeva had to have either belonged to the Kabul branch or had been a local Shahi feudatory.[8] Khaw disagrees and instead equates Vijayapaladeva with one Thakkana Sahi, mentioned by Kalhana as a rebel who had to be captured by Queen Didda of Kashmir.[18] For Khaw, this identification fits within the narrative of Muslim sources; Jayapala ascended only after this threat was neutralized.[18][j]
Bilgetegin succeeded Abu Ishaq Ibrahim on the occasion of his death in November 966, and ruled for about nine years, before being assassinated during his invasion of Gardiz, the last bastion of the Lawiks.[74] His successor Piri was described as a drunkard whose oppressive rule led the citizens of Ghazna to request the return of Lawik.[74] Lawik mounted yet another expedition with help from the "son of Kabul Shah" and met the Muslim forces in the area of Charkh.[75] Both breathed their last in the war and the Muslim forces imposed an overwhelming victory, despite their numerical inferiority.[76]Sabuktigin became the undisputed leader of the Ghazni region, as he would go on to overthrow Piri.[77] Kabul was lost forever and the foundation stone of the Ghaznavid Empire was cast.[77]
In 986–987, Jayapala marched towards Ghazni and met with Sabuktigin's forces at Ghuzak.[78][k] The war remained largely inconclusive for days before the tide turned against the Shahis: Jayapala was forced to propose a peace treaty.[80][l]Mahmud, son of Sabuktigin and a battle commander, wished to inflict a decisive defeat, but had to concede when Jayapala threatened to incinerate all valuables.[84][m] A war indemnity of one million Shahi dirhams and fifty war elephants was agreed upon and some frontier forts were ceded to the Ghaznavids.[84] Accordingly, Jaypala made his way back with Ghaznavid commanders who were to take charge of the ceded forts, while some of his relatives and officials were left with Sabuktigin as hostages.[84] Once Jayapala reached his own territories, he called off the treaty and threw the commanders into prison, hoping to force Sabuktigin into exchanging hostages.[84]
Sabuktigin refused to believe that the treaty had been breached, but once it was established beyond doubt, he plundered the frontier town of Lamghan: temples were demolished and houses burnt down.[85] In response, Jayapala secured troops from unidentified Rajas,[n] and met with the Ghaznavids near Kindi (modern day Kandibagh?).[88] The Ghaznavids breached the enemy lines repeatedly using light attacks and followed them with an all-out assault, routing the Shahis who had to flee beyond the Indus despite their overwhelming numerical superiority.[89] The entire span of territory up to Peshawar was lost, and Sabuktigin installed his own tax-collectors; local tribes were ordained into Ghaznavid arms too.[90] A ribāṭ was commissioned at Kindi to commemorate the victory.[91] However, Peshawar and adjacent regions returned to the Shahis sometime soon, probably during what would be a long interlude in the Ghaznavid-Shahi conflict.[90][o]
Circa 990–991, Mahmud would be imprisoned by his father Sabuktigin on grounds of fomenting a rebellion.[90] Jayapala probably tried to leverage the rift in his favor by promising to rescue Mahmud, marry off his daughter to him, and further, allot sufficient wealth and troops.[92] Mahmud did not respond favorably and noting the Shahi to be an infidel, proclaimed his absolute devotion to Sabuktigin and pledged to attack Jayapala upon release.[93]
Around the same time, Jayapala was challenged by Bharat, a Raja of Lahore who wished to wrest control of Nandana, Jailam and Takeshar.[93] Anandapala, then Governor of Punjab and son of Jayapala, was ordered to intercept Bharat's forces and in the ensuing battle, Bharat was imprisoned and Lahore annexed; however the nobility of Lahore pleaded on behalf of their old King, who was reinstated as a feudatory after payment of tributes.[94] About a year hence, Bharat's son Chandrak deposed him on the grounds of waging an ill-thought-out campaign against the Shahis, and became the new feudatory.[95] For reasons which are not clear, c. 998-999 (eight years after the usurpation), Jayapala declared war against Lahore on the pretext of protecting his suzerain Bharat and dispatched Anandapala.[95] Chandrak was ambushed and kidnapped around the battleground of Samutla, and Lahore was annexed by the Shahis.[96] Rahman speculates that the Shahis were trying to balance their losses to the Ghaznavids using any pretext.[95]
In 998 CE, Mahmud ascended the Ghaznavid throne at Ghazni, and went on an annexation spree.[97] Soon, Mahmud turned his eyes on the Shahis, allegedly resolving to invade their territories every year.[97] In what was the last battle of his life, Jayapala met with Mahmud in the Battle of Peshawar on 27 September 1001; one Shahi governor of the Bardari province named Adira Afghan is held to have switched sides and aided in the safe and quick passage of Mahmud's troops across Shahi provinces.[98] Mahmud saw through Jayapala's tactics of delaying the conflict in the hope of receiving reinforcements and declared war immediately.[99] Soon, the Shahis were in a state of disarray with Jayapala and fifteen of his relatives taken as prisoners.[99] About one million Shahi forces were taken as slaves.[100] The war-spoils awed contemporary chroniclers: the royal necklaces alone were valued at over six million Shahi dirhams.[101] Mahmud continued his raid as far as Hund, as his forces chased fleeing troops and decimated pockets of resistance.[100] Within a few months, the entire Shahi territory to the west of the Indus had submitted to Mahmud.[100][p]
Jayapala was eventually released but Muslim chroniclers differ about the specifics.[100]Unsuri, a court-poet of Mahmud notes that he was sold in the slave market; Minhaj ad-din and al-Malik Isami adds a price of 80 dirhams.[103] Others like al-Ansab note that Mahmud had rejected his request for pardon but allowed him to be free in lieu of a payment of 2.5 million dirhams and 50 war-elephants around March 1002, which Rahman finds more likely.[104] Jayapala returned to Hund and immolated himself in a pyre after abdicating the throne in favor of Anandapala.[105]
The Hindu Shahis and main South Asian polities in 1000, on the eve of the Ghaznavid invasions of the subcontinent.[106][107]
Anandapala ascended to the throne around April 1002.[108] His capital city remains unknown but was likely Nandan.[109][q] Anandapala had entered into marital relations with Tunga, the prime-minister of Didda, then-ruler of Kashmir and had at least two sons.[110] He commanded significant fame as a patron of scholars though texts from his court are not extant.[110]
Circa April 1006, Mahmud requested Anandapala to consent to the passage of his troops via his territories to reach Daud, the ruler of Multan.[111] He declined the request and even went to the extent of stationing troops on the banks of Indus to prevent Mahmud's crossing, an enraged Mahmud waged a cataclysmic war upon the Shahis and compelled Anandapala to escape to Kashmir before eventually finishing his original objective of conquering Multan.[112] All these territories of "Hind" were left under the governorship of a certain Sukhapala, a neo-convert.[113]
However, a couple of years hence, Sukhapala renounced Islam (c. late 1006) and declared rebellion.[113] At this juncture, Anandapala tried to make space for himself by promising to aid Mahmud in containing Turk rebellions at the other side of his empire; apparently, he did not want a ruler who had defeated him, to be defeated by another.[114][r] It is unknown whether Anandapala's offer was accepted but Mahmud stalled his chase of Ilaq Khan and turned his attention to the Shahis; Sukhapala offered negligible resistance before fleeing into Kashmur from where he was captured, fined, and imprisoned to death.[114] It is likely that Anandapala was installed as the next Ghaznavid vassal.[8]
C. December 1008, Mahmud mounted an invasion of Hindu Shahis for reasons which are not clear.[115] Anandapala sent a large army, supplanted with neighboring troops under the commandership of his son, Trilochanapala, who arrived in the plains of Chach but failed to prevent Mahmud's troops from crossing across the Indus.[115] The Battle of Chach ended with the defeat of the Hindu Shahis.[116] Mahmud chased the fugitive troops for months, seizing Nagarkot to collect his war-spoils, in the process and even took a son of Anandapala as hostage.[117] Governors were installed across the conquered provinces and Mahmud would return to Ghazni.[8]
This would be the last military conflict of Anandapala; the next year, Anandapala sent an embassy to Mahmud.[118] The proposal of peace was accepted and in return, Hindu Shahis were to accept tributary status, provide (limited) military support, guarantee passage of troops, and remit an annual tribute.[118] Mahmud sent his own agents to oversee the enforcement of the peace treaty and within a year, normal trade relations had resumed.[118] The death of Anandapala is not recorded in any chronicle; however, it can be ascertained to be c. late 1010 - early 1011.[119] The fate of the son taken back to Ghazni remains unknown.
Al-Biruni held that Trilochanapala had a favorable attitude towards Muslim subjects, unlike his father.[110] Trilochanapala did not dishonor Anandapala's treaty, but when Mahmud wished to march towards Thanesar via Hindu Shahi territories, he proposed that the city be spared in lieu of a negotiated peace treaty.[120] Mahmud rejected the request and sacked Thanesar with an uneventful passage via Shahi territories.[121] However, as a consequence or otherwise, Trilochanapala soon stopped paying the annual tributes to Mahmud and declared war.[121]
Mahmud of Ghazni riding an elephant following his conquest in India.
In November 1013, Mahmud progressed towards Hind to contain Trilochanapala but failed to make it across the snow-laden passes.[122] Taking advantage of this delay, Trilochanapala tasked his son Bhimapala with arranging Shahi troops and went to Kashmir, where he received a battalion from king Sangramaraja of the Lohara dynasty, commanded by Tunga.[122] The face-off happened in the middle of the following year.[8] Bhimapala initially went about exploiting the local topography of a narrow mountain-pass in his favor, and launched stinging guerrilla attacks on Mahmud's troops—to the extent of being referred to by Uth'bi as "Bhima, the Fearless", until he got confident of his numerical superiority and switched to open-warfare; in the mayhem that followed this tactical blunder, the Shahis were routed and Bhima had to flee.[123]
The fortress at Nandana was sacked for war-spoils and a Ghaznavid governor was installed, while Mahmud went searching for Trilochanapala.[124] Trilochanpala, in the meantime, had set up his base with Kashmiri forces on the banks of the Poonch River.[125] An initial round of success against a Ghaznavid reconnaissance party contributed to Tunga's pride and he then mounted a disastrous maneuver without consulting experienced Shahi generals, ensuring another crippling defeat coupled with a total loss of territory, west of Tausi.[125] Rahman noted this campaign to be the death-blow for the Hindu Shahis — "it was no longer a question of whether but a question of when" the Shahis would perish.[125]
From the outset of his rule, Trilochanapala had chosen to expand into the Siwalik Hills to make up for the territories lost in his predecessors' conflicts with the Ghaznavids: this brought him into multiple conflicts with Chandar Rai of Sharwa.[125] But the fatal encounter with Mahmud ensured that Trilochanapala had nowhere but the Siwaliks to retreat into and compelled him to enter into a peace treaty, even offering his son to be married to the daughter of Chandar.[126] The offer was accepted but Bhima was imprisoned when he went to bring the bride home and Chandar asked for reparations.[127] This brought an end to Trilochanapala's imperial ambitions in the Lower Himalayas for the time being though stray conflicts continued.[127]
When Mahmud sacked Sharwa while returning from his Kanauj campaign (c. 1017), Trilochanapala is noted to have taken refuge with Paramara Bhoja.[128] Sometime soon, significant polities in the Doab entered into treaties with one another and with the Hindu Shahis to ward off future invasions of a similar scale.[129] Mahmud did not take kindly to these alliances and returned in October 1019.[129] Trilochanapala's men were tasked by Vidyadhara of Chandela to prevent Mahmud's troops from crossing across the Ramganga (somewhere around Bulandshahr) and they took positions at the eastern bank but failed to execute the task.[129] Subsequently, Trilochanapala planned to move away, probably to join Vidyadhara's forces for the main faceoff, but a swift charge by Mahmud's troops inflicted yet another resounding defeat.[130] Bulandshahr was sacked and two of his wives and daughters imprisoned.[130] He tried to enter into a peace-treaty but in vain, causing him to flee to Vidyadhara.[130] It is not known whether he made it to the camp but Vidyadhara is noted to have deserted his posts by then.[131]
In 1021,[s] Trilochanapala, by then a ruler of little significance in all probabilities, was assassinated by his mutinous Hindu troops for reasons unknown.[131] Bhimapala, who must have escaped the Rais sometime in between, succeeded him and continued to rule until 1026; nothing is known about his rule or territories.[132]
Adab al-harb—a manual of state-craft produced during the times of Iltutmish, which contains a host of unique information about the Ghaznavids—note that in 1040, one Sandbal, a grandson of the Kabul Shah, marched towards Lahore seeking to utilize the imprisonment of Masʽud I and resulting political instability to his favor.[133] The armies met at Qadar Jur (var. Qalachur) and despite the Shahis having numerical superiority, they were defeated as their troops left the battle in a state of panic once Sandbal was assassinated by a Turk archer.[133][134] He seemed to have been based around the Siwaliks and might have been a Shahi heir — many contemporary Muslim chronicles do mention a Hindu triumvirate to have unsuccessfully attacked the Ghaznavids around the same time but mention only two of the names, both petty Siwalik chieftains and not Sandbal.[133] Some Shahis migrated into Kashmir and gained prominent positions in their court.[135]
Shaivism was practised by the Hindu Shahis and likely was also the predominant religion; Saura was practised by some subjects, as were Buddhism and Islam.[136][137][18] Kabul exported cotton clothing and indigo.[138]Ibn Hawqal mentions the high quality cotton and wool industries during Shahi reign in which exports to China and Khorusan were noted. Silver ore was also smelted in Andarab and mining occurring in the Panjshir region.[139]
It is also noted that the Bactrian script during the Hindu Shahis was discontinued and instead replaced with the Sharada script. The dress customs were noted as clothing consisting of cotton outer garments, trousers and shoes with men shaving their hair and beards.[140] A gold coin of Bhimadeva describes him as wearing a Dhoti and Uttariya.[141]
New temples were built inside fortresses while existing ones were extensively refurbished or repurposed.[142] The Gandhar-Nagara style of architecture developed distinct formulations under the Hindu Shahis.[142] Meister notes a typical Hindu Shahi temple to have two ground-level chambers embedded within a tower leading to a minaret like appearance with an ambulatory at the top, that is accessible by a stairwell.[143] He dates construction of eight temples to the Hindu Shahis, six of which are photographed below.[144] There were also two sandstone temples at Malot and Shiv-Gangā (10th c.) which exhibited a blend of Shahi and Kashmiri architecture, bearing testimony to the cultural flows between the two polities.[145]
Ekhamukhaling: linga with face of Shiva. 9th century Afghanistan. Art of the Hindu Shahi kingdom.[146]
The archaeology of the Hindu Shahis remains unrecognized and poorly understood.[147] Dani ascribed ruined forts to the Hindu Shahis at Pehur, Kamala, and Bata, but without detailed reasoning.[148] Hund remains the main archaeological site.[149] Fragmentary evidence is located across the Peshawar valley.[150] Excavations by Rahman et al, documented a Buddhist monastery at Barikot, which was repurposed to a Hindu Shahi fort.
Colonial scholars—James Prinsep, Alexander Cunningham, Henry Miers Elliot, Edward Thomas et al.—had published on the Hindu Shahis, primarily from a numismatic perspective.[152] The first comprehensive volume on the subject appeared in 1972 by Yogendra Mishra, a professor in the Department of History of Patna University; he explored the Rajatarangini meticulously but lacked in numismatics and paleography.[153] The next year, Deena Bandhu Pandey—Professor of Art History at Banaras Hindu University—published his doctoral dissertation but his handling of Muslim sources, coins etc. were laden with errors, primarily stemming from an exclusive dependence upon English translations of Arabic/Persian chronicles.[154] Both of these works are considered outdated and inaccurate, at large.[7]
In 1979, Abdur Rehman received his PhD from Australian National University on "history, archaeology, coinage, and paleography" of the Turk Shahis and Hindu Shahis under the supervision of Arthur Llewellyn Basham.[7][155] He has since published on the subject extensively and is considered to be an authority on the subject.[7][16] In 2010, Michael W. Meister—Chair Professor of Art-History at UPenn—published a monograph on the temple-architecture of Sahis; he had worked with Rahman on multiple field investigations.[16] In 2017, Ijaz Khan received his PhD from the School of Ancient History and Archaeology of the University of Leicester on "Settlement Archaeology of the Hindu Shahi[s] in North-Western Pakistan."[7]
^Rehman hypothesizes that the frontier states were splintering from the Caliphate during the rise of Hindu Shahis and had better things to worry about.
^He had another work Tarikh-i-Yamini dealing with the subject; it is lost.[8]
^Bactrian Cursive seem to have fallen out of favor with the Hindu Shahis.[19]
^For more details on the inscription (and Odi Kings), consult [31]
^The tribute amounted to 1,500,000 Dirhams and 2,000 slaves per year.[37]
The last king of this race was Lagatarman [of the Turk Shahis], and his Vazir was Kallar, a Brahman. The latter had been fortunate, in so far as he had found by accident hidden treasures, which gave him much influence and power. In consequence, the last king of this Tibetan house, after it had held the royal power for so long a period, let it by degrees slip from his hands. Besides, Lagatarman had bad manners and a worse behaviour, on account of which people complained of him greatly to the Vazir. Now the Vazir put him in chains and imprisoned him for corruption, but then he himself found ruling sweet, his riches enabled him to carry out his plans, and so he occupied the royal throne. After him ruled the Brahman kings Samand (Samanta), Kamalu, Bhim (Bhima), Jaipal (Jayapala), Anandapala, Tarojanapala (Trilochanapala). The latter was killed A.H. 412 (A.D. 1021), and his son Bhimapala five years later (A.D. 1026). This Hindu Shahiya dynasty is now extinct, and of the whole house there is no longer the slightest remnant in existence.
— Al-Biruni, Tārīkh al-Hind ("History of India").[40]
^Otherwise, Ya'qub himself would have never proclaimed himself with such lowly titles while later Hindu Shahis, who regained sovereignty, won't mint in Arabic at all.[60] Further, the series matched with the distinctly lower weight standard of the Arabic dirhem as introduced after ‘Abd al- Malik's currency reforms.[60]
^From Kalhana's description, Gopalavarman appears to have effected a regime-change to install a more docile ruler.
^Some have argued for the early 900s, in an attempt to squeeze Bhimadeva closer to the establishment of the dynasty, since he had minted coins of the Samanta series; Raman found the argument to lack basis, since the coins of the Samanta series would be minted by Mahmud of Ghazni as late as the early 11th century.[67]
^Rehman claimed scholars deeming Thakkana as the successor of Bhimadeva to be in the wrong.
^The name of the place is also spelt as Baghurak and Ghurak in some Muslim histories.[79]
^The circumstances that led to this sudden development are described peculiarly by Utbi: a fountain of supernatural powers was intentionally polluted by Sabuktegin to raise a snowstorm of hellish proportions that blinded Jayapala's men.[81] Positivist historians have understood this to refer to a cataclysmic storm.[82] However, Ali Anooshahr considers the tale of the storm to reflect the description of Lake Frazdan (modern-day Gaud-i Zira) – situated about the same area and with its source ocean Fraxkard from the Greater Bundahishn — and notes that Utbi's description of the eastern frontiers was based on letters received by the Court, so he proposes that the Zoroastrian myth was still believed by the locals during the conflict and Sabuktegin had it leveraged to increase his stature before his subjects.[83]
^Al-Utbi notes Sabuktigin to have consented to the proposal "on account of the mercy he felt towards those who were his allied lords". The precise meaning is unclear.
^Contemporaneous Muslim sources take note of Jayapala having received aid from neighboring Indian polities; Firishta, writing over 600 years hence, would be the first chronicler to note their names: Delhi, Ajmir, Kalunjur, and Kanauj.[86] Rahman doubts Firishta's accuracy since neither extant literature nor extant inscriptions from these polities speak of such a grand political maneuver.[87]
^Ferishta mentions that Mahmud had stationed a garrison at Peshawar; this must have been either withdrawn or expelled by Jayapala.[90]
^It was probably around this time, that some mausoleum (or tomb) was commissioned at Zalamkot by Mahmud's commander Arslan Jadhib for the fallen, which would be eventually completed in 1011. See [102] on the Zalamkot Bilingual Inscription.
^This information comes from Al-biruni, someone who had described Anandapala to have the greatest hatred for Islam.[114]
^This date is from Al-biruni. Ibn AL-athir says that Trilochanapala perished soon after his defeat at the hands of Mahmud.
^Temple D—per Meiser's designations—near the main gateway to the north. The complex has four temples.
^Temple B, per Meiser's designations. The complex has eight temples.
^The name is derived from Al-Biruni. Etymological origin of "Shahi" remains poorly understood; it derived either from Greek or Persian. A royal epithet, it was first used by Kushana rulers. The actual name of the dynasty—that is, how they referred to themselves or their polity—remains unknown. In general, the characteristic of Kingdoms in far-northwestern India was to designate themselves with respect to their geographic identities than familial or religious affiliations.[151]
Khaw, Nasha Bin Rodziadi (2016). Study and Analysis of Brāhmī and Śᾱradᾱ Inscriptions from Gandhᾱra: its Impact on Religious, Cultural and Historical Landscape of the Region (Thesis). University of Peshawar.
Hinüber, Oskar (2003). Beiträge zur Erklärung der Senavarma-Inschrift. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur (in German). Franz Steiner Verlag. ISBN978-3-515-08203-7.
Balogh, Dániel (12 March 2020). Hunnic Peoples in Central and South Asia: Sources for their Origin and History. Barkhuis. p. 362. ISBN978-94-93194-01-4.
Allchin, Raymond (3 June 2019). Archaeology of Afghanistan: From Earliest Times to the Timurid Period: New Edition. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN978-1-4744-5047-8.
Flood, Finbarr B. (20 March 2018). Objects of Translation: Material Culture and Medieval "Hindu-Muslim" Encounter. Princeton University Press. ISBN978-0-691-18074-8.
Inaba, Minoru (2015). "A Venture on the Frontier: Alptegin's Conquest of Ghazna and its Sequel". Medieval Central Asia and the Persianate World. pp. 108–128. doi:10.5040/9780755695133.ch-005. ISBN9780755695133.
Ball, Warwick; Bordeaux, Olivier; Dowall, David W. Mac; Sims-Williams, Nicholas; Taddei, Maurizio (May 2019). "From the Kushans to the Shahis". In Allchin, Raymond; Ball, Warwick; Hammond, Norman (eds.). The Archaeology of Afghanistan: From Earliest Times to the Timurid Period (2 ed.). Edinburgh University Press. ISBN9780748699179.
.png)
.png)
Sri Spalapati
" (which has been variously read Hajaj, J.haj or Ch'hach), Elliot transliterated the character to "Hahaj" and Cunningham had it equated to the Janjua tribe/clan, who were held to be descendants of the Rouran Khaganate.[23] Rahman doubts this theory and instead transliterates to "J.haj", an Arabicised form of Chhachh, while the area of Gandhara itself was called "country of the Rahbūt" (Rājpūt)[24] which is even today the name of the region around the Hindu Shahi capital of Hund.[23] In the 10th century, this region was occupied by the tribe of the Gakhars and Khokhars, who formed a large part of the Hindu Shahi army according to the Persian historian Firishta.[23]
Śri Spalapatideva "Lord Commander-in-Chief". Reverse: Horseman with 
a in Nagari to left and symbol to right.[10]
bhī in Nagari to left and symbol to right.[10].jpg)
_on_the_obverse._Nagari_%22Sri_Kudarayaka%22_on_the_reverse_(%E2%80%9CKhudarayaka%E2%80%9D)_Circa_895-921_CE.jpg)
(Śrī Khūdarayakah, "The fortunate small Raja"), trisula mark on the hump of the bull. Reverse: horseman with 
na in Nagari to left; trace of symbol to right.[10].jpg)
.svg){kind=small}
![Kafir Kot[t]](//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9f/KafirKot_Temple_%28D%29_Ruins.jpg/295px-KafirKot_Temple_%28D%29_Ruins.jpg)
Gumbat![Bilot Fort Temple[u]](//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/63/Bilot_Temple_B.jpg/324px-Bilot_Temple_B.jpg)
Bilot Fort Temple[u]
Malot
![Kafir Kot[t]](/wiki/File:KafirKot_Temple_(D)_Ruins.jpg)
![Bilot Fort Temple[u]](/wiki/File:Bilot_Temple_B.jpg)
