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[[File:Bandeira de Pernambuco.svg|thumb | right | 200px | Flag of Pernambuco adopted from the [[Pernambucan Revolt|1817 Revolution]] flag. ]]
[[File:Bandeira de Pernambuco.svg|thumb | right | 200px | Current flag of Pernambuco adopted from the [[Pernambucan Revolt|1817 Revolution]] flag.]]
{{BrazilianHistory}}{{Undue weight|to=discussion on the quality of life in the state|date=March 2021}}
{{BrazilianHistory}}
The '''history of [[Pernambuco]]''' can be roughly divided into two periods: first, when the region was a [[Portuguese Empire|colony of Portugal]] and, second, when it was a component of the nation of [[Brazil]]. Not to be overlooked, however, are the established [[Indigenous peoples in Brazil|indigenous peoples of the region]], numerous revolts and short-lived independence movements, [[France|French]] incursions, and a [[Dutch West India Company|Dutch]] occupation.


Located in the [[Northeast Region, Brazil|Northeast Region of Brazil]], Pernambuco was economically prosperous during its early history, first as a source of dye-wood and then sugar, but later languished becoming today a principal state in Brazil's underdeveloped Northeast Region. Following the expulsion of the Dutch from the region in 1654, there were numerous impediments to the development of the region, including [[latifundia|a concentrated system of land ownership]], its [[Monoculture|extensive reliance on a single crop]], poor communication and transportation, and intense [[Regionalism (politics)|regionalism]]. In the late 20th century, the region again experienced some success as it developed an industrial sector and improved communication and transportation reduced the effects of regionalism.
Despite established indigenous peoples, numerous revolts, fleeting independence movements, short-term [[France|French]] incursions, and an occupation (1630-1654) by the [[Dutch West India Company]], the history of [[Pernambuco]] is conveniently divided into two parts: as a [[Captaincy of Pernambuco|colony of Portugal]] and (from 1808) as a component of the nation of [[Brazil]]. This article will treat pre-colonial and colonial Pernambuco briefly and focus primarily on Pernambuco as a province of, and today a state in, the Brazilian nation.


Pernambuco is located in the [[Northeast Region, Brazil|Northeast region of Brazil]] near the eastern end of South America. Despite early successes, first as a source of red dye and then as a [[sugar]] producer, until the close of the 20th century Pernambuco languished as part of Brazil’s underdeveloped Northeastern region. Among the several impediments to the re-development of Pernambuco after the expulsion of the [[Dutch Brazil|Dutch]] in 1654, have been the [[Latifundium|latifundia]], [[monoculture]], poor communication, poor transportation, and [[Regionalism (politics)|regionalism]]. In the late 20th century, Pernambuco has found success as it developed an industrial sector as improved communication and transportation in Brazil has reduced the affects of regionalism and monoculture.
==Name==
==Name==
Recent research indicates that the name ''Pernambuco'' derives from ''Boca de Fernão'' (Fernão's Mouth).<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.ufrpe.br/br/content/etimologia-de-pernambuco-teria-origem-no-portugu%C3%AAs-e-n%C3%A3o-no-tupi-diz-pesquisador-da-ufrpe-em|title=Etimologia de "Pernambuco" teria origem no português, e não no tupi, diz pesquisador da UFRPE em livro|website=www.ufrpe.br|language=pt-br|access-date=2019-03-10}}</ref> The place, now known as [[Canal de Santa Cruz]], is where [[Fernão de Loronha|Fernão de Noronha]] loaded his ships with Brazilian wood to trade in Europe.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Pernambuco {{!}} state, Brazil|url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Pernambuco|access-date=2020-10-13|website=Encyclopedia Britannica|language=en}}</ref> The name was spoken by the [[Tupi people|Tupi]] as ''Pernãobuka'' and was recorded by French writers as ''Fernambouc''; the two pronunciations have been combined into the modern name.
Recent research indicates that the name ''Pernambuco'' was derived from ''Boca de Fernão'' (Fernão's Mouth).<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ufrpe.br/br/content/etimologia-de-pernambuco-teria-origem-no-portugu%C3%AAs-e-n%C3%A3o-no-tupi-diz-pesquisador-da-ufrpe-em|title=Etimologia de "Pernambuco" teria origem no português, e não no tupi, diz pesquisador da UFRPE em livro|website=www.ufrpe.br|language=pt-br|access-date=2019-03-10}}</ref> The place, now known as [[Canal de Santa Cruz]], is where [[Fernão de Loronha|Fernão de Noronha]] loaded his ships with Brazilian wood to trade in Europe.<ref>{{cite web|title=Pernambuco {{!}} state, Brazil|url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Pernambuco|access-date=2020-10-13|website=Encyclopedia Britannica|language=en}}</ref> The name was spoken by the [[Tupi people|Tupi]] as ''Pernãobuka'' and was recorded by French writers as ''Fernambouc''; the two pronunciations have been combined into the modern name.{{Citation needed|date=March 2021}}


Previously, ''Pernambuco'' was believed to be a distortion of the [[Tupi language|Tupi]] words ''para-nã'' (wide river) and ''Mbuka'' (hollow or broken), referring to coastal reefs. It came to mean the place where the tree [[Paubrasilia]] (''Paubrasilia echinata'') was discovered, now referred as Pernambuco wood or brazilwood. In preindustrial times Paubrasilia was the source of a brilliant red dye. The trees grew in abundance on the Atlantic coast of Brazil and were the chief trading commodity of pre-colonial and early colonial times.
In the past, ''Pernambuco'' was believed to be a distortion of the [[Tupi language|Tupi]] words ''para-nã'' (wide river) and ''Mbuka'' (hollow or broken), referring to its coastal reefs.<ref>Robert Southey, ''History of Brazil'' Vol. 1, p. 54 (Burt Franklin, New York, 1970), p 53</ref>


==Prehistory and antiquity==
==Prehistory and antiquity==
The Brazilian northeast has some of the country's most ancient archaeological sites, which date back to more than 40,000 years BCE. In the region that today corresponds to Pernambuco, relics of human occupation from around 9,000 BCE were identified in the regions of Chã do Caboclo, in Bom Jardim, Furna do Estragon, and Brejo da Madre de Deus. In this last region, an important necropolis was found, out of which 83 skeletons were recovered.<ref name="Martin">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=exmtOsvSKj4C|title=Pré-história do Nordeste do Brasil|author=Gabriela Martin|isbn=9788573150834|access-date=30 June 2015}}</ref><ref name="Furna">{{cite web|url=http://www.unicap.br/coloquiodehistoria/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/5Col-p.1305-1318.pdf|title=Sítios arqueológicos de Pernambuco: Uma Abordagem cultural|publisher=Unicap|access-date=6 June 2015}}</ref>
The northeast section of Brazil has some of the country's oldest archaeological sites, dating back to 40,000 BC. In the region that today corresponds to Pernambuco, signs of human occupation from around 9,000 BC were identified in the regions of Chã do Caboclo, [[Bom Jardim, Pernambuco|Bom Jardim]], Furna do Estragon, and [[Brejo da Madre de Deus]]. In Brejo da Madre de Deus, an important necropolis was found, from which 83 skeletons were recovered.<ref name="Martin">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=exmtOsvSKj4C|title=Pré-história do Nordeste do Brasil|author=Gabriela Martin|isbn=9788573150834|access-date=30 June 2015}}</ref><ref name="Furna">{{cite web|url=http://www.unicap.br/coloquiodehistoria/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/5Col-p.1305-1318.pdf|title=Sítios arqueológicos de Pernambuco: Uma Abordagem cultural|publisher=Unicap|access-date=6 June 2015}}</ref>


Among the indigenous groups that inhabited Pernambuco, the Itaparica are responsible for stone instruments from about 4000 BCE and cave paintings that date to around the year zero are attributed to the Cariris people. At the time of Portuguese colonization, the [[Tabajara]], [[Tupinambá people|Tupinambá]] and the [[Caeté people|Caetés]] lived in the area.<ref>John Hemming, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760, Harvard University Press, 1978, pp. 72-75</ref> In certain parts of the state, it is still possible to find Indigenous groups, such as the [[Pankararu people|Pankararu]] and the [[Atikum]].<ref name="Martin"/>
The Itaparica people inhabited the region and were responsible for creating stone instruments around 4,000 BC. Cave paintings in the region from around AD 1 are attributed to the [[Kiriri people]]. Other indigenous groups from before Portuguese colonization such as the Pankararu and [[Atikum]] are still present in certain parts of Pernambuco.<ref name="Martin" /> At the time of Portuguese colonization, the [[Tabajara]], [[Tupinambá people|Tupinambá]], and [[Caeté people|Caetés]] were recorded as inhabiting the area.<ref>John Hemming, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760, Harvard University Press, 1978, pp. 72-75</ref>


==Precolonial history==
==Portuguese arrival and precolonial==
{{main|Indigenous peoples in Brazil|Colonial Brazil}}
{{Main|Indigenous peoples in Brazil|Colonial Brazil}}
[[File:Joao iii REI.jpg|thumb|left|150px|King [[John III of Portugal]] ]]
At the time of the [[Colonial Brazil#Discovery and early exploitation|discovery of Brazil]], the area near [[Recife]] was populated chiefly by Tabajara Indians.<ref>Francis A. Dutra, "Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord-Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Beginnings of a Dynasty." ''The Americas'' Vol. XXIX, April 1973, Number 4, pp. 415{em}441</ref><ref>Robert Southey, ''History of Brazil'' Vol. 1, p. 54 (Burt Franklin, New York, 1970</ref> The Tabajara were members of the Tupi-Guarani linguistic group. The Portuguese had more successful dealings with the Tupi-Guarani speakers than with speakers of other languages.<ref name="Sugar2">Stuart B.Schwartz, ''Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550 - 1835,'' chapter 2 (Cambridge University Press. 1985)</ref>


=== Indigenous peoples ===
The cultures of the indigenous peoples of Brazil included aspects that the Portuguese and other Europeans found objectionable. Most of these peoples bathed, most of them went nude, and most of them were cannibals.<ref>Pero de Magalhães Gandavo, ''The Histories of Brazil'' translated by John B Stetson, pp. 83 - 112 &165 - 174, The Cortes Society, New York, 1922</ref> In contrast to these cultural differences (to which the Portuguese objected) Tupi-Guarani speakers had a significant cultural attribute that made them valuable to the Portuguese. Although still generally [[hunter-gatherer]]s, Tupi speaking aborigines, including the Tabajara, practiced agriculture.<ref name="Sugar2" />
At the time of the [[Colonial Brazil#Arrival and early exploitation|discovery of Brazil]] by Portugal, the area near [[Recife]] was populated chiefly by Tabajara Indians.<ref>Francis A. Dutra, "Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord-Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Beginnings of a Dynasty." ''The Americas'' Vol. XXIX, April 1973, Number 4, pp. 415{em}441</ref><ref>Robert Southey, ''History of Brazil'' Vol. 1, p. 54 (Burt Franklin, New York, 1970</ref> The Tabajara were members of the [[Tupi-Guarani languages|Tupi-Guarani linguistic group]]. The Portuguese had more successful dealings with Tupi-Guarani speakers than with speakers of other languages.<ref name="Sugar2">Stuart B.Schwartz, ''Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550 - 1835,'' chapter 2 (Cambridge University Press. 1985)</ref> While the Portuguese found many cultural practices of indigenous peoples objectionable, such as cannibalism and nudity,<ref>Pero de Magalhães Gandavo, ''The Histories of Brazil'' translated by John B Stetson, pp. 83 - 112 &165 - 174, The Cortes Society, New York, 1922</ref> the Tupi-Guarani were viewed as more valuable culturally than their counterparts. Whereas other indigenous groups were wholly [[hunter-gatherer]]s, Tupi speakers, including the Tabajara, practiced limited agriculture.<ref name="Sugar2" />


=== Portuguese arrival ===
[[image:Brazilwood tree in Vitória, ES, Brazil.jpg|thumb|right|250px|The brazilwood tree, which gives Brazil its name, has dark, valuable wood and provides red dye.]]
[[image:Brazilwood tree in Vitória, ES, Brazil.jpg|thumb|right|180px|The brazilwood tree, which gives Brazil its name, has dark, valuable wood and provides red dye.]]
This attribute was a key to the cooperation of the Tupi speakers and the Portuguese both during the precolonial period, when exploiting Brazilwood was the principal economic activity, as well as later when colonization began. Throughout much of Brazil, up to modern times, [[Slash-and-burn|''coivara'']] (slash-and-burn) agriculture was common. Among the indigenous peoples, the men did the heavy work of clearing new ground and the women planted, cultivated, and harvested crops.<ref>John Hemming, ''Red Gold: The conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760'' (Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 27</ref> These peoples were quick to abandon their stone tools for metal tools which made clearing trees much easier. Trading shiploads of Brazilwood for axes and other metal tools was quite to their advantage since the metal tools would greatly ease their labor in clearing the ground.<ref name="John Hemming 1978">John Hemming, ''Red Gold: The conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760'' (Harvard University Press, 1978), chapter 1</ref>
The Tupi speakers' agriculture was key in their cooperation with the Portuguese during the pre-colonial period. During this time, the primary objective of the Portuguese in the region was to harvest and export [[Paubrasilia|Brazilwood]]. To this end, ''coivara'' ([[slash-and-burn]]) agriculture was employed by indigenous peoples. With the men doing the heavy work of clearing ground and the women planting and harvesting crops,<ref>John Hemming, ''Red Gold: The conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760'' (Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 27</ref> indigenous peoples traded large quantities of Brazilwood with the Portuguese. In return, they were supplied with metal tools which allowed for more efficient ground clearing and quickly abandoned their stone tools.<ref name="John Hemming 1978">John Hemming, ''Red Gold: The conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760'' (Harvard University Press, 1978), chapter 1</ref>


[[File:Manuel I.jpg|thumb|left|150px|King [[Manuel I of Portugal]] ]]
In turning to the exploitation of Brazilwood, it is a coincidence that modern-day Pernambuco includes the Islands of [[Fernando de Noronha]], which precedes the mainland Pernambuco's history since the islands were granted to [[Fernão de Loronha]] by King Manoel in 1502. Moreover, it was Fernão de Loronha to whom King Manoel granted an exclusive license to exploit Brazilwood.<ref>Bailey W. Diffie (1987). ''A History of Colonial Brazil: 1500 - 1792'', p 1, Krieger, Malabar, Florida.</ref> As the Portuguese quickly began exploiting Brazilwood, they mostly trans-shipped it to Northern Europe. The red dye from Brazilwood became particularly popular in France and it was not long before ships of other nations, especially French ships, began competing with the Portuguese.<ref name="John Hemming 1978"/> The Portuguese King soon responded to these violations of what he considered his sovereign territory. In 1516, [[Cristóvão Jacques]] was charged with patrolling the coast of Pernambuco against vessels of other nations.
To facilitate the exploitation of Brazilwood, King [[Manuel I of Portugal]] granted [[Fernão de Loronha]], after whom the islands of [[Fernando de Noronha]] are named, an exclusive license to exploit Brazilwood.<ref>Bailey W. Diffie (1987). ''A History of Colonial Brazil: 1500 - 1792'', p 1, Krieger, Malabar, Florida.</ref> Most of the Brazilwood taken from the region was shipped to Northern Europe, where it was valued for the red dye which came from the wood. The dye was especially popular in France, which soon began competing with the Portuguese in an attempt to secure Brazilwood production for themselves.<ref name="John Hemming 1978" /> Manuel I viewed these French efforts as violations of his sovereign territory. In 1516, King Manoel charged [[Cristóvão Jacques]] with patrolling the coast of Pernambuco against foreign vessels. Jacques established a ''feitoria'', or trading post, on [[Itamaracá]], an island at the mouth of the [[Canal de Santa Cruz]]. The trading post was intended to establish relations with the natives, seek information about resources inland, and repel encroachments by other nations.<ref>Alexander Marchant, From Barter to Slavery, The Economic Relations of Portugues and Indians in the Settlement of Brazil, 1500-1580, Peter Smith, Glouster, MA, 1966, pp 19 - 25</ref><ref>Bailey W. Diffie (1987). ''A History of Colonial Brazil: 1500 - 1792'', ch. 2, Krieger, Malabar, Florida.</ref>


Cristóvão Jacques erected a ''[[feitoria]]'' (literally 'factory', a Portuguese trading post) at the entrance of the [[Canal de Santa Cruz]], [[Itamaracá]], intended to establish a bond with the natives, seek information about possible riches inland, and repel encroachment by other nations on the Brazilian coast. Later the French under [[Bertrand d'Ornesan]] once again tried to establish a French trading post at Pernambuco in 1531.<ref>'' Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I'' by R. J. Knecht p.375 (Cambridge University Press, 1996)</ref> The Portuguese responded by sending an armada led by Pero Lopes de Sousa who burned the French fort and reestablished Portuguese control in the area.<ref>Frei Vicente do Salvador, ''Historia do Brazil'', Revista por Capistrano de Abreu, Rodolfo Garcia e Frei Venâncio Willeke, 6 ed. Melhormentos, São Paulo, 1974, II, pp 122-125</ref> Shortly after this success in dislodging the French from Pernambuco's northern border with Itamaricá, the Portuguese began to settle in Brazil. Beginning in 1534 King John III of Portugal granted hereditary captaincies to better secure Brazil against foreign interlopers.<ref>Francis A. Dutra, "Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord-Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Founding of a Dynasty." ''The Americas'' Vol. XXIX, April 1973, Number 4, pp. 415-441</ref>
A French force led by [[Bertrand d'Ornesan]] once again tried to establish a trading post in Pernambuco in 1531.<ref>'' Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I'' by R. J. Knecht p.375 (Cambridge University Press, 1996)</ref> The Portuguese responded by sending an armada led by [[Martim Afonso de Sousa]] which burned the French outpost and reestablished Portuguese control in the area.<ref>Frei Vicente do Salvador, ''Historia do Brazil'', Revista por Capistrano de Abreu, Rodolfo Garcia e Frei Venâncio Willeke, 6 ed. Melhormentos, São Paulo, 1974, II, pp 122-125</ref> Shortly after this victory, Portuguese immigrants began to settle in Brazil. In 1534, King [[John III of Portugal]] began granting hereditary captaincies in order to better secure Brazil against foreign powers.<ref>Francis A. Dutra, "Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord-Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Founding of a Dynasty." ''The Americas'' Vol. XXIX, April 1973, Number 4, pp. 415-441</ref>


==The Early Colonial Period from 1534 to 1630==
==Colonial Period==
{{main|Captaincy of Pernambuco}}
By 1534 it was evident to the King of Portugal, Dom João III, that to retain his rights to Brazil it would have to be settled by Portuguese. At the time the riches of Asia seemed more worthy of royal management and so Dom João used the captaincy system that had be previously used in the Azores and other (mostly Atlantic island) possessions of Portugal. The Captaincy of Pernambuco comprising sixty leagues along the Atlantic Coast the island of Itamaracá to the North to the River Sao Francisco to the South was granted to Duarte Coelho. <ref>E. Bradford Burns, Ed., A Documentary History of Brazil, Alfred Knopf, New York ,pp. 33-45</ref>


=== Early Colonial Period (1534–1630) ===
Duarte Coelho arrived in ''Nova Lusitânia'' (or "New [[Lusitania]]") in 1535 along with his wife Dona Brites de Albuquerque, her brother Jeronimo de Albuquerque, and a small armada of settlers and supplies to found his captaincy.<ref > Francis A. Dutra. “Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord-Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Beginnings of a Dynasty,” The Americas 29:4 (April 1973), pp.415-441.</ref> Despite historians having few remaining documents relating to Duarte Coelho's governance of what was decidedly the most successful of all the initial captaincies of Brasil, it is clear that the first ''donatário's'' initial efforts set Pernambuco on the path to success and established the monoculture and latifundia such that the history of Pernambuco could not be told without reference to sugar. Duarte Coehlo directed military actions against the French-allied [[Caeté people|Caeté]] Indians and upon their defeat in 1537 established a settlement at the site of a former Marin Indian village, henceforth known as [[Olinda]], as well as another village at [[Igarassu, Pernambuco|Igarassu]]. Duarte Coelho, and his heirs, throughout the Sixteenth Century, enjoyed a free hand in developing his captaincy as an enormously successful producer of sugar and Portugals richest Brazilian colony. <ref> Francis Dutra, “Centralization vs. Donatarial Privilege” in Colonial Roots of Modern Brazil, Dauril Alden, ed., University of California Press, 1973, pp. 19-60.</ref> This success continued up until the invasion of Pernambuco by the Dutch in 1630.
{{Main|Captaincy of Pernambuco}}
[[File:Joao iii REI.jpg|thumb|left|150px|King [[John III of Portugal]] ]]
[[File:Duarte-coelho-pereira-2-10-03-1534.jpg|thumb|200x200px|Duarte Coelho, first Lord Proprietor of Pernambuco]]
By 1534 it became evident to John III of Portugal that in order to retain his rights to Brazil, Portuguese people must settle there. At the time, John viewed controlling [[Portuguese presence in Asia|trade in Asia]] as a more pressing matter than cementing control over Brazil, so he instituted the [[Captaincy|captaincy system]] which had previously been used in the [[Azores]] and other island possessions of Portugal. The [[Captaincy of Pernambuco]] was formed and granted to [[Duarte Coelho]], consisting sixty leagues along the Atlantic Coast from the island of [[Itamaracá]] in the north to the River Sao Francisco in the south.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, Ed., A Documentary History of Brazil, Alfred Knopf, New York, pp. 33-45</ref>


Coelho arrived in Brazil in 1535 with his wife Dona [[Brites de Albuquerque]], her brother [[Jeronimo de Albuquerque]], a small group of settlers, and some supplies with which to found his captaincy.<ref>Francis A. Dutra. “Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord-Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Beginnings of a Dynasty,” The Americas 29:4 (April 1973), pp.415-441.</ref> While few historical documents exist to the exact nature of Coelho's governance, it is clear that Pernambuco was decidedly the most successful of all the initial captaincies in Brazil. However, Coelho's initial efforts also established Pernambuco's reliance on sugar farming and the latifundia system. As Lord Proprietor, Coelho directed military actions against the French-aligned [[Caeté people|Caeté]] people. Upon their defeat in 1537, he established a settlement in a former native village known as [[Olinda]], as well as another village at [[Igarassu, Pernambuco|Igarassu]]. Duarte Coelho, and later his heirs, enjoyed relative autonomy in developing the captaincy as a major producer of sugar and Portugal's richest Brazilian colony throughout the 16th century.<ref>Francis Dutra, “Centralization vs. Donatarial Privilege” in Colonial Roots of Modern Brazil, Dauril Alden, ed., University of California Press, 1973, pp. 19-60.</ref> This success persisted until the Dutch invaded and occupied Pernambuco in 1630.
==The Dutch Occupation from 1630 to 1654==
{{main| Dutch Brazil}}
From the beginnings of European expansion into the New World, other ‘actors’ both nations and various outlaws vied to loot the wealth of the New World. Portugal colonized Brazil to keep others out, mostly the French. Beginning in 1580 until 1640 Portugal was under the Spanish Hapsburgs. This made Brazil a prime target for the Dutch. After a failed attempt to take Bahia, the Dutch invaded Pernambuco and then expanded Northward to the Amazon. The colonists of the Captaincy of Pernambuco, to a greater or lesser extent resisted the Dutch throughout the Dutch occupation. There were three significant periods. From invasion in 1630 to relative pacification about 1636; during the governorship of [[John Maurice, Prince of Nassau-Siegen|Johan Maurits]], under whom the Portuguese resisted to lesser extent; and from shortly after the recall of Johan Maurits in 1644 until the final expulsion of the Dutch from Recife in 1654.<ref> C. R. Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil 1624-1654, Archon Books, 1973</ref>


=== Dutch Occupation (1630–1654) ===
==The Late Colonial Period from 1655 to 1807==
{{Main| Dutch Brazil}}
Prior to the occupation by the Dutch, Pernambuco had been the pre-eminent Portuguese captaincy in Brazil. The colonists never succeeded in restoring this primacy. Various factors were involved. During the Dutch occupation Bahia had become a great sugar producer. Moreover, when the Dutch left Brazil they established sugar colonies in the Caribbean and so competition was fierce both within Brazil and internationally. Additionally, in the late Seventeenth Century gold was discovered in Minas Gerais, later diamonds were discovered. Thus when Brazil became a nation, despite the fact that sugar was still a major export, and that Pernambuco was still a major producer, nevertheless Pernambuco was relatively much less important in the new nation.<ref> E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp 61-97</ref><ref> Stuart B Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550-1835 pp. 245-414</ref>
[[File:Victor Meirelles - 'Battle of Guararapes', 1879, oil on canvas, Museu Nacional de Belas Artes, Rio de Janeiro.JPG|thumb|[[Second Battle of Guararapes]], in which the Portuguese forced the Dutch out of Pernambuco]]
Portugal experienced competition from other foreign powers throughout its colonial history, and preventing these rivals from expanding in the New World was one motivation for its colonization of Brazil. When the kingdom of Portugal fell under the rule of the [[Habsburg Spain|Spanish Hapsburgs]] in 1580, however, Brazil became a prime target for the new colonial power of the [[Netherlands]]. After the Dutch failed to take [[Bahia]], they invaded and occupied Pernambuco and continued to expand northward to the [[Amazon River]]. The Dutch occupation of Pernambuco was resisted by the Portuguese colonists for its duration. This period of Pernambucano history can roughly be divided into three periods: six years of fighting from 1630 to 1636; relative pacification under the governorship of [[John Maurice, Prince of Nassau-Siegen|Johan Maurits]], from 1636 to 1644; and renewed struggle in the decade after Maurits' recall, from 1644 to 1654, ending with the expulsion of the Dutch.<ref>C. R. Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil 1624-1654, Archon Books, 1973</ref>


=== Late Colonial Period (1655–1807) ===
==Pernambuco as Brazil becomes a nation==
After the Dutch occupation, Pernambuco was never able to restore its place as the most successful captaincy in Brazil. Over the course of the Dutch occupation, Bahia had surpassed Parambuco in sugar production. Additional [[Dutch Caribbean|Dutch colonies in the Caribbean]] were also developed and began producing sugar, providing fierce new competition for Parambuco within Brazil and internationally. Also contributing to Parambuco's decline in importance was the discovery of gold and diamonds in other Brazilian provinces such as [[Minas Gerais]]. Thus, when Brazil became an independent nation, Pernambuco's importance within the new nation was greatly diminished, despite its continued production of sugar.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp 61-97</ref><ref>Stuart B Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550-1835 pp. 245-414</ref>
{{Copy edit section|date=February 2021}}{{main|Independence of Brazil|Empire of Brazil}}


== Early Brazilian Period (1807–1889) ==
Retrospectively viewed, the independence of Brazil seems almost an inevitable result of the events of the early 19th Century, particularly the arrival of the Portuguese Royal family in Brazil. Ultimately Brazil would remain territorially intact (save for the loss of what is today [[Uruguay]]). Nevertheless, there were rebellions in regions of Brazil which might have led to the division of Brazil similar to the division of the Spanish-speaking areas of Latin America.<ref name=Haring3>C. H. Haring, ''Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy'', Norton, New York, 1958, Ch. 3</ref> Although many of these events influenced Pernambucan history, they are better treated as part of the [[History of Brazil]] and except for those events that happened in Pernambuco these will, along with a few events entirely external to Brazil, be parenthesized to provide context.
{{Main|Independence of Brazil|Empire of Brazil}}


Brazil's independence was predominantly caused by the arrival of the Portuguese royal family in the country. Portugal having been occupied by Napoleon's army and with Rio de Janeiro hosting the royal court, Brazil no longer occupied the role of colony and Portugal was no longer able to function as its [[metropole]]. As such, Brazil's ports were opened to foreign trade, its government became America centered, and bureaucratic institutions were established in the new country. Unlike the Spanish colonies in America, Brazil would remain territorially intact, aside from the loss of what is today [[Uruguay]]. However, there were rebellions in several regions of Brazil, including in Pernambuco, which could have led to the fracturing of Brazil.<ref name="Haring3">C. H. Haring, ''Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy'', Norton, New York, 1958, Ch. 3</ref>
=== Pernambuco's revolts ===
{{main|Pernambucan Revolt|Cabanada|April Revolt (Pernambuco)}}
:''See Also [[Rebellions and revolutions in Brazil]]


=== Pernambuco Revolts ===
"...Pernambuco, the classic land of revolution...."<ref>C. H. Haring, ''Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy'', Norton, New York, 1958, p. 58</ref>
{{Main|Pernambucan Revolt|Cabanada|April Revolt (Pernambuco)}}
:''See also [[Rebellions and revolutions in Brazil]]''
[[File:Flag Pernambucan Revolt of 1817.svg|thumb|Flag of the 1817 Pernambucan revolt]]
Two meaningful themes explaining events in Pernambuco leading up to, directly relating to, or following on the independence of Brazil were, first, regional rivalry with other parts of Brazil, and, second, conflict within Pernambuco between the ''mozombos'' (those born in Brazil) and the ''reinóis'' (those born in Portugal).<ref name="Haring2">C. H. Haring, ''Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy'', Norton, New York, 1958, Ch. 2</ref> These two factors had led to the 18th century [[Mascate War]], which can be viewed as an early indicator of the strife which would continue to occur between native born Brazilians and the Portuguese ''reinóis.''<ref>Capistrano de Abreu, ''Chapters of Brazil's Colonial History'', Arthur Brakel, Trans., Oxford University Press, 1997, pp. 64, 67,90, 101, 137, 138 & 141</ref> Several early rebellions among the intellectual class of Brazil achieved little and had minimal impact on Brazilian history, including the 1801 ''Inconfidencia'' of Pernambuco.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 104</ref> After 1808 these separatist rebellions were primarily associated with Brazil's elevation to a kingdom, as many in Pernambuco preferred a republic to a monarchy. In 1817, the region rebelled for this reason, but the rebellion was quickly put down by naval and land forces of the monarch and its leaders were executed.<ref name="Haring2" />


King John eventually returned to Portugal, leaving his son [[Pedro I of Brazil|Pedro I]] as the Brazilian regent. Refusing to become a colony of Portugal again, Prince Pedro established the [[Empire of Brazil]] and promulgated a new constitution.<ref name="Burns">E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, Chapter 3</ref> Pernambuco again rebelled in 1824 in response to this new constitution, forming the short-lived [[Confederation of the Equator]] along with [[Ceará]] and [[Paraíba]]. The confederation was quickly crushed by imperial forces and its leaders were executed.<ref name="Burns" /><ref name="Haring2" /> Additionally, by imperial decree, the size of Pernambuco was substantially reduced, with the [[comarca]] of São Francisco being lost.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, Stanford University Press, 1978, p. 5</ref> In 1829, Pernambuco again rebelled and was quickly subdued.<ref name="Burns" />
Two meaningful themes explaining events in Pernambuco leading up to, directly relating to, or following on the independence of Brazil were, first, regionalism and, second, the continuing conflict between the ''mozombos'' (those born in Brazil) and the ''reinóis'' (Portuguese: born in Portugal).<ref name=Haring2 >C. H. Haring, ''Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy'', Norton, New York, 1958, Ch. 2</ref> The Eighteen Century [[Mascate War|War of the Mascates]] can be seen as a precursor of the strife between the Brazilian born and ''reinóis'' in the new nation of Brazil.


From 1832 to 1836, Pernambuco fought yet another rebellion against Brazil in the [[Cabanada|War of the Cabanos]]. However, this uprising was different in the sense that it was primarily a popular revolt, as opposed to earlier rebellions which were largely affairs of the elite. In addition, the rebellion was largely agrarian, whereas other rebellions in Pernambuco were mostly confined to Recife and Olinda. The rebellion's leader, Vincente Ferreira de Paulo, is considered to be a populist ''[[Caudillo|caudilho]]'', or military dictator.<ref name="Burns" />
([[American Revolutionary War|The U. S. War for Independence]], 1776; the [[French Revolution]], 1789; and the slave rebellion in Haiti, 1792, exerted influence in Brazil.)


The [[Praieira revolt]] was the last unsuccessful revolt in the Empire of Brazil and occurred in Pernambuco from 1847 to 1848. This revolt, again due to resentment of the Portuguese and factionalism, was put down by imperial forces, though with somewhat fewer reprisals than in earlier revolts.<ref name="Haring3" />
[[Image:Flag Pernambucan Revolt of 1817.svg|thumb|200px|The 1817 revolution flag, with three stars representing Pernambuco, Paraíba, and Rio Grande do Norte]]
The ''[[Inconfidencia Mineira]]'',1789(; the ''Inconfidencia'' of Rio de Janeiro, 1794; the ''Inconfidencia'' of Bahia, 1798;) and the ''Inconfidencia'' of Pernambuco, 1801 were not too consequential rebellions involving mostly intellectuals.

(In 1808 the Spanish-American Revolutions began, but more importantly, the Portuguese royal family arrived in Brazil in 1808 fleeing Napoleon's invasion of Portugal. When, on arrival, Prince Regent [[John VI of Portugal|João]] opened Brazil's ports it was a big boost to many aspects of the Brazilian economy.)

(In 1815, Brazil was elevated to a kingdom. In 1816 Queen [[Maria I of Portugal|Maria]] died and the reign of João VI began.) In 1817 Pernambuco rebelled preferring a republic to a monarch, the rebellion was quickly put down by naval and land forces of the monarchy and its leaders were executed.<ref name=Haring2 />

(In 1821 King João acceded to the request of the Portuguese Cortes and returned to Lisbon, leaving his son [[Pedro I of Brazil|Pedro]] as regent in Brazil, but taking all the treasury monies and movable assets with him. In 1822, the Cortes, meeting in Lisbon, imprudently took several actions trying to reduce Brazil to its previous status as a colony and Prince Pedro issued the ''Grito do Ipiranga'', “Independence or death” and the [[Empire of Brazil]] was born.)<ref name=Burns >E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, Chapter 3</ref>

[[File:Bandeira da Confedereção do Equador.png|thumb|right|200px|The flag of the Confederation of the Equator.]]
(In 1824 The emperor, Pedro I, promulgated a constitution for the Empire that would hold until the empire ended in 1889.) This same year, in reaction to the new constitution, Pernambuco again rebelled, and together with Ceará and Paraíba formed the [[Confederation of the Equator]], once again naval and land forces put down the rebellion in short order<ref name=Burns /> and executed the leaders.<ref name=Haring2 /> Additionally, by imperial decree, the size of Pernambuco was substantially reduced, removing the comarca of São Francisco from Pernambuco and reducing the ''Sertão'' (backlands) belonging to Pernambuco.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, Stanford University Press, 1978, p. 5</ref>

(In 1825, Brazil engaged in war with [[Argentina]] over what became modern-day [[Uruguay]] after the two countries fought to an inconclusive result.)<ref name=Burns />

(In 1826, Pedro I, abdicated in favor of his five-year-old son. Pedro, like his father, took ship to Lisbon. There he would succeed in installing his daughter on the throne of Portugal and shortly thereafter die.)<ref name=Burns />

In 1829, Pernambuco would again rebel and again be quickly subdued.<ref name=Burns />

The [[Cabanada|War of the Cabanos]], 1832–1836, differed from most of the rebellions in Pernambuco because, while there were elements of regionalism and resentment of the Portuguese, this was substantially a popular revolt, whereas the other rebellions in Pernambuco were substantially affairs of the elites. The leader, Vincente Ferreira de Paulo can be considered a populist ''caudilho'', moreover, this rebellion was agrarian based―whereas other rebellions were substantially confined to Recife. (This rebellion also had a link to the 1844 Cabanagem in Alagoas).<ref name=Burns />

The [[Praieira revolt]], the last ''unsuccessful'' revolt during the Empire in Brazil, occurred in Pernambuco in 1847–48. This revolt, again due to resentment of the Portuguese and factionalism, was put down by imperial forces though with somewhat fewer reprisals than in earlier revolts.<ref name=Haring3 />


===Geography===
===Geography===
The territory of Pernambuco varied considerably during the colonial period and the current borders were set in the Nineteenth Century after 1799 when [[Ceará]] was detached from Pernambuco and by the detachment of the comarca of São Francisco in 1824. Most of the history of Pernambuco, especially prior to the Nineteenth Century pertains to the ''zona da mata'' (what was the forest zone along the coast) where sugar cane grows well. There are two other areas, the ''[[agreste]]'', a transitional zone atop the [[Borborema Plateau|Borborema escarpment]] where cotton grows well, and the ''[[sertão]]'', known for its periodic droughts and resulting famines.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937, ch. 1</ref> There is little historical record of the ''agreste'' or the ''sertão'', even in the Nineteenth Century.
The territorial extent of Pernambuco was fluid during the colonial period, and the current borders were roughly set in the 19th century after [[Ceará]] and São Francisco were removed from the state. For most of its history, records and accounts are only available for the coastal forest zone of the coast. The other two areas of the state, the ''[[agreste]] and [[sertão]]'', where literacy was very low had minimal historical records even in the 19th century.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, ch. 1</ref>


===Social structure===
===Social history===
[[File:Diario-1828.jpg|thumb|216x216px|1828 issue of the ''Diário de Pernambuco'']]
The following groups typify the major social, economic, and political classes prominent in Pernambuco's history from colonial times well into the Twentieth Century. The elites consisted of governing officials, most often appointed by an external ruler (king, emperor, president), ''senhores de engenho'', (owners of sugar mills), and colonels, (a local landowner/power-broker especially in the backlands). The key group in the elites being the ''senhores do engenho.'' On the middle level, ''lavradores da cana'' (generally growers of sugar cane who possibly owned land but did not own an engenho, merchants, certain "skilled" workers, for example: ''mestres de açucar'' (masters of sugar making). Finally, the lower classes including, slaves, freedmen, share croppers, laborers, etc.<ref>Robert Levine, ''Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937, Ch.1'',</ref><ref>E. Bradford Burns,''A History of Brazil'', 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 75</ref><ref>Peter Eisenberg, ''The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization Without Change, 1840-1910'', University of California Press, Part 2. "Social Crisis"</ref>
Pernambuco was home to several prominent, rigid classes from colonial times into the 20th century. The elites of the state consisted of government officials appointed by an external ruler, the ''senhores de engenho'' (sugar mill owners), and colonels (local landowners, especially inland). The most influential elites were the sugar mill owners. In the middle class were the ''lavradores da cana'' (small sugar cane growers), merchants, and certain skilled workers. The largest classes consisted of slaves, [[Freedman|freedmen]], [[Sharecropping|sharecroppers]], and common laborers.<ref>Robert Levine, ''Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, Ch.1'',</ref><ref>E. Bradford Burns,''A History of Brazil'', 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 75</ref><ref>Peter Eisenberg, ''The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization Without Change, 1840-1910'', University of California Press, Part 2. "Social Crisis"</ref>


During the colonial era, printing presses were outlawed in Brazil and education was extremely limited, with only around 3,000 colonists receiving degrees in Coimbra and a low literacy rate of 15% even among the free population.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 124</ref><ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 252</ref> Despite this, a printing press was established in Pernambuco by 1817, later becoming the ''Diário de Pernambuco'' which claims to be the "oldest continuously circulating daily in Latin America."<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 122</ref> Under the Empire of Brazil, Recife became the home of the second law school in Brazil.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 148</ref>
===Literacy, education, publishing===
During the colonial era printing presses were not allowed in Brazil and education was limited mostly to the ''colegios'' of the religious orders, Moreover, in the colonial era, only a few (in all of Brazil somewhat more than 3000<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 124</ref>) colonists received degrees in Coimbra. Despite the low literacy rate, even among the free population (15%)<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 252</ref>) A printing press was in operation by 1817<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 122</ref> Later the ''Diario de Pernambuco'' was established. Today this newspaper claims to be the "oldest continuously circulating daily in Latin America." During the Empire Olinda (later Recife) became the home of the second Law school in Brazil<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 148</ref>


==== Abolition of Slavery ====
===Economy===
{{Main|Slavery in Brazil}}
From the time of Portuguese settlement, the economy in Pernambuco had been based on latifundia (large estates), monoculture (one-crop), and slavery. Now that Pernambuco was no longer a colony, producing for the Portuguese metropole, changes in the economy occurred and new institutions appeared. Some of these had been long available only in Portugal and some were a function of factors such as the Industrial Revolution. However, overall, during the Empire, the economy of Pernambuco was dominated by the decline of sugar production.<ref>C. H. Haring, Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy, Norton, New York, 1958, p. 68</ref> While for Brazil the decline of sugar was offset by the growth of the coffee, this was not the case for Pernambuco.
The Transatlantic slave trade was effectively eliminated in 1850,<ref name=":0">C. H. Haring, Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy, Norton, New York, 1958, p.92</ref> further exacerbating the shortage of slaves in Pernambuco.<ref name=":0" /> In 1871, Brazil enacted [[Rio Branco Law|the law of free birth]] which thenceforth made free all children born to slaves.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 260</ref> In 1888, under the influence of an increasingly urban society and with the advocacy of intellectuals, such as Pernambucan politician [[Joaquim Nabuco]], slavery was abolished.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 271-276</ref>


The abolition of slavery had only minimal impact on the social structure of Pernambuco. The elites within the state maintained their privileges, and freed slaves mainly became wage workers in an economy where labor was cheap. The elites of Pernambuco were not as averse to modernization, so long as that modernization did not interfere with their traditional privileges.<ref>Robert Levine, ''Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937'', pp. 160-162</ref> As such, resistance to abolition was tempered by the relative cooperation of the elites, as well as by other economic conditions. These included the suppression of the Atlantic slave trade which had already diminished the number of slaves in Pernambuco, as well as the consolidation of sugar mills which made the industry less reliant on slave labor.<ref>Robert Conrad, ''The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, 1850-1888'', University of Californian Press, 1972, Ch. 4</ref> As such, while abolition was not hampered in the region, the condition of freedmen in Pernambuco was not greatly improved, as they mostly melded into an existing labor supply of impoverished workers.<ref>Peter Eisenberg, The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization Without Change, 1840-1910, University of California Press, ch. 8</ref>
====Sugar====
In the beginning years of the Empire sugar production in Pernambuco was high and sugar was Brazil's primary export. For example, from 1826 to 1830 exports averaged more than 28,000 crates, up from 9,200 crates in the late Eighteenth Century.<ref>Stuart B.Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550 - 1835, Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 426&427</ref> However, in the second decade of the Empire, sugar, still Pernambuco's primary export crop, had yielded its primacy as a Brazilian export to coffee. Sugar has never again dominated Brazilian exports<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 188</ref> and Pernambuco was relegated to being one of two regional leaders in a Brazilian Northeast "increasingly uncompetitive with agricultural producers in the Center-South".<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937, p. 161</ref>


====Slavery====
===Economic history===
From the time of Portuguese settlement, the economy of Pernambuco had been based on ''latifundia'' (large estates), monoculture (one-crop), and slavery. Now that Pernambuco was no longer a colony which had to produce for the Portuguese metropole, changes in the economy occurred and new institutions appeared. Some of these had been long available only in Portugal and some were a function of factors such as the Industrial Revolution. However, overall, during the Empire, the economy of Pernambuco was dominated by the decline of sugar production.<ref>C. H. Haring, Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy, Norton, New York, 1958, p. 68</ref>
The suppression of the Praieiria revolt in 1848 and the Eusébio de Queirós Law, effectively eliminating the Transatlantic slave trade, in 1850<ref>C. H. Haring, Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy, Norton, New York, 1958, p.92</ref> further exacerbated the shortage of slaves in Pernambuco that had existed in Pernambuco since the discovery of gold in Minas Gerais (in 1795). This provided further motivation to replace the traditional water-driven and oxen sugar mills first with centralized mills and later with ''usinas''.<ref>Peter Eisenberg, The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization Without Change, 1840-1910, University of California Press, ch.8</ref> In 1871, the legislature enacted the "law of the free womb" making free all children of slaves<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 260</ref> In 1888, under the influence of increasingly urban society, and with the advocacy of intellectuals, such as Pernambucan, politician [[Joaquim Nabuco]] slavery was abolished.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 271-276</ref>


While sugar was Brazil's primary export in the early years of the Empire,<ref>Stuart B.Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550 - 1835, Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 426&427</ref> coffee took its place in the second decade of the Empire. This coffee was mainly grown in the central and southern regions of Brazil and not in Pernambuco, and the state became increasingly unable to compete with these new agricultural producers.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, p. 161</ref> By the 1850s there was limited industrialization in Pernambuco with nine textile mills, a candle factory, and a tobacco factory among other factories. However, Pernambuco remained largely reliant on sugar production, and modernization of the sugar industry in the second half of the 19th century in response to the end of the slave trade was only minimally successful.<ref>Peter Eisenberg, ''The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization Without Change, 1840-1910'', University of California Press, Ch . 5</ref>
====Industrialization====
By the 1850s there was limited industrialization in Pernambuco with 9 textile mills, a candle factory, and a tobacco factory among others. However, Pernambuco remained an export-oriented, sugar-based economy and during the second half of the Ninetheenth Century industrialization in the sugar industry, in response to the closure of the slave trade, was, at best, of limited success.<ref>Peter Eisenberg, ''The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization Without Change, 1840-1910'', University of California Press, Ch . 5</ref>


Cotton is indigenous to Brazil and has been cultivated in Pernambuco since prehistory. Beginning in the late eighteenth century, as a result of the [[Industrial Revolution]], cotton became an important export for Pernambuco through the beginning of the Empire. The American [[War of 1812]] provided an impetus for cotton cultivation. The war provided a much-expanded market for this export crop. After 1830, United States production largely replaced Brazilian cotton. However, in the decade of the 1860s, during the [[American Civil War]], cotton again became an important export for Pernambuco.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 429</ref> Cotton, in contrast with sugar, was grown in the ''agreste.''<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, p. 7</ref>
====Banking====
In 1851 the first bank in Pernambuco was established, The Commercial Bank of Pernambuco. Brazil had had no banks until the 1840s. The banks would become principal lenders and creditors in Pernambuco displacing the merchants and religious establishments in so doing.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 197 & 198</ref>


In 1851, the first bank in Pernambuco, the Commercial Bank of Pernambuco, was established. This bank and others would become the principal lenders and creditors in Pernambuco, displacing merchants and religious establishments.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 197 & 198</ref> In 1858, the first railroad in Pernambuco began operation between Recife and Cabo. The railways would primarily speed exports to the external markets. The effects of the railroads in unifying Brazil and improving internal transportation were less significant.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 200 & 201</ref>
====Cotton====
Cotton is indigenous to Brazil and has been cultivated in Pernambuco since prehistory. Beginning in the late Eighteenth Century, as a result of the [[Industrial Revolution]] cotton became an important export for Pernambuco through the beginning of the Empire. (The U.S. War of 1812 provided an impetus to cotton cultivation, this war provided a much-expanded market for this export crop.) After 1830 United States production largely replaced Brazilian cotton. However, in the decade of the 1860s, during the U. S. Civil War, cotton again became an important export for Pernambuco.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 429</ref> Cotton, in contrast with sugar, was grown in the ''agreste''<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937, p. 7</ref>


== First Brazilian Republic (1889–1930) ==
====Railroads and transportation====
{{Main|First Brazilian Republic}}
In 1858 the first railroad in Pernambuco began operation between Recife and Cabo. The railways would primarily speed exports to the external markets. The effects of the railroads in unifying Brazil and improving internal transportation were less significant.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 200 & 201</ref>
{|class="wikitable" style="float:right; margin-left:1em; margin-right:0; font-size:85%; background:#e7edf5; width:28em; max-width:35%;" cellspacing="5"
|-
!From
!To
!Governors of Pernambuco<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, Stanford University Press, 1978, p.182</ref>
|-
!1889
!
|José Simeão de Oliveira
|-
!1890
!
| José Vincente Meira de Vasconcelos
|-
!1890
!
| Henrique Pereira Lucena
|-
!1892
!
| Alexandre José Barbosa Lima
|-
!1896
!
| Joaquim Correia de Araujo
|-
! 1900
!
| Antônio Gonçalves Ferreira
|-
! 1904
!
| Sigismundo Gonçalves
|-
! 1908
!
| Herculino Bandeira
|-
! 1911
!
| Emídio Dantas Barreto
|-
! 1915
!
| Manoel Borba
|-
! 1919
!
| José Rufino Bezerra Cavalcanti
|-
! 1922
!
| Sérgio Loreto
|-
! 1926
!
| Estácio Coimbra
|}
The demise of the Empire and the institution of the Republic were events which took place far from Pernambuco. The republicans of Pernambuco were not well organized nor influential. The monarchists quickly became republicans and Pernambuco was little changed. The federal system established by the First Brazilian Republic forced states to compete for central government patronage allowing the states in the Southern regions to benefit and reducing benefits to Pernambuco and other states in Brazil's Northeastern region. Aid to the periodically drought stricken Northeast provides a window into understanding the negative effects of regionalism on Pernambuco throughout much of the states history. Under the Empire, the government had been little inclined to provide drought aid. Generally, under the federal system of the First Republic this pattern continued. The presidencies of Epitácio Pessôa and Artur Bernardes provide an illustration of this. Pessôa, in this period, the only president from the Northeast, the federal government spent up to 15% of the national budget on drought oriented public works in the Northeast. When Bernardes succeeded him funding was promptly stopped, throwing thousands out of work. Not coincidentally banditry in the Northeast increased and the career of the infamous ''[[cangaceiro]]'' [[Lampião]] began.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, Stanford University Press, 1978, pp. 130-131</ref> The elites of Pernambuco were quite successful in maintaining their privileges and control of Pernambuco's government. Moreover, while the government was aware of Pernambuco's problems, these problems remained unresolved or worsened, and efforts to address them encountered resistance including violence. Life for the poor was harsh, with high fertility and mortality, malnutrition, and violence.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, Stanford University Press, 1978, pp. 159-168</ref>


==The Abolition of slavery==
== The Era of Getulio Vargas ==
{{Main|Vargas Era|Brazilian Second Republic}}
{{main|Slavery in Brazil}}
[[Getúlio Vargas]] became the provisional president of Brazil in 1930 and was elected constitutional president in 1937.<ref name=":1">Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp. 7 & 33</ref> In contrast to the federal structure of the First Republic, the Vargas Era was embodied by a strong central government.<ref name=":1" /> As such, the state of Pernambuco, while still a leading state in the Northeast, exerted minimal influence within Brazil.<ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, p. 36</ref>
Pernambuco was little changed by either the abolition of slavery or the change from empire to republic. The elites within Pernambuco mostly maintained their privileged position and the freed slaves mostly became wage workers in an economy where the cost of labor was cheap. The local elites were able to control Pernambuco and allow modernization always with the condition that modernization and change must not interfere with their rights and privileges. Governor Barbosa Lima listed Pernambuco's significant problems in the beginning years of the Republic. Decades later Pedro Souto Maior listed the same problems.<ref>Robert Levine, ''Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937'', pp. 160-162</ref> Resistance to abolition in Pernambuco was tempered by the economic conditions. The ascendency of coffee in the Brazilian Center-South and the suppression of the Atlantic slave trade had resulted in an internal slave trade that diminshed the number of slaves in Pernambuco and other areas of the Northeast.<ref>Robert Conrad, ''The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, 1850-1888'', Universtity of Califonian Press, 1972, Ch. 4</ref> Limited modernization and consolidation of sugar mills had made the sugar industry less reliant on slave labor, moreover, cheap labor in the local market further reduced the need for slaves. As a result of abolition, despite the benefit of freedom, freed slaves mostly melded into an existing labor supply consisting of impoverished workers.<ref>Peter Eisenberg, The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization Without Change, 1840-1910, University of California Press, ch. 8</ref>


In 1930, the Democratic Party of Pernambuco was able to seize the opportunity presented by the rise of Vargas on the national level to install Lima Cavalcanti as ''interventor'' in control of the government of Pernambuco.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, p. 86</ref> Cavalcanti would remain in power in Pernambuco until removed by Vargas in 1937.<ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp 28 & 29</ref> The government of Pernambuco was riven by competition between factions of the elites struggling for control and spoils.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, pp. 83-87</ref>
==The (Old) Republic==
{{main|República Velha}}
The demise of the Empire and the institution of the Republic were events whose locus was well to the South of Pernambuco. The republicans of Pernambuco were not well organized nor influential. The monarchists quickly became republicans and Pernambuco was little changed. The federal system established by the Old Republic forced states to compete for central government patronage allowing the states in the Southern regions to benefit and reducing benefits to Pernambuco and other states in Brazil's Northeastern region. <ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937, pp. 130-131</ref> The elites of Pernambuco were quite successful in maintaining their privileges and control of Pernambuco's governments. Moreover, these governments were aware of Pernambuco's problems (from poverty and drought to latifundia and monoculture) but these problems remained unresolved or worsened, and efforts to address them encountered resistance including violence. Life for the poor was harsh: there was "high fertility, high mortality, malnutrition, and violence....".<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937, pp. 159-168</ref>

==The era of Getúlio Vargas==
{{main|Vargas Era|Brazilian Second Republic}}
"The figure of Getúlio Vargas dominates the history of Brazil from 1930 to 1954, and his memory still hovers over its politics". Vargas became provisional president in 1930. He was elected constitutional president in 1937. Overthrown in 1945 he was elected president by popular vote in 1954.<ref>Richard Graham, "A century of Brazilian History since 1865: Issues and Problems, A. Knopf, New York, p. 137</ref> In contrast to the federalist emphasis of the Old Republic, the Vargas era installed a strong central government.<ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp. 7 & 33</ref> However, Brazil by this time was primarily dominated by São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Pernambuco was still a leading state in the Northeast, but the Northeast as a whole exerted little influence within Brazil.<ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, p. 36</ref>

In 1930, the Democratic Party of Pernambuco was able to seize the opportunity presented at the rise of Getúlio Vargas on the national level to install Lima Cavalcanti as ''interventor'' in control of the government of Pernambuco.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937, p. 86</ref> Cavalcanti would remain in power in Pernambuco until removed by Vargas in 1937.<ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp 28 & 29</ref> The government of Pernambuco was riven by competition between factions of the elites struggling for control and spoils.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937, pp. 83-87</ref>


===Social and economic conditions===
===Social and economic conditions===
Especially during the early years of Cavalcanti's rule in Pernambuco one of the periodic droughts that recur in the Northeast of Brazil had great impact on Pernambuco's social and economic life. This drought was unusually severe and municipal warehouses in the interior suffered looting and streams of migrants came from the ''sertão'' to the coast. Unfortunately, Pernambuco was initially excluded from federal aid to the Northeast.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937, p. 132-134</ref> At the end of Cavalcanti's rule in 1937, the continued primacy of the declining sugar economy left Pernambuco dominated by the local aristocracy with little or no improvement for the lower classes.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937, p. 167</ref> During the Vargas era an important development in Brazil was the emergence of a middle class. Unfortunately, even in the 1950s, "The middle class was practically non-existent in the economically backward regions of the country....[in] cities, such as Recife...it was difficult to identify...."<ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, p. 83</ref> For the poor of Pernambuco (and the Northeast region) the path to a better life was exemplified by the migration of the family of [[Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva]]—much later President of Brazil—from Pernambuco to São Paulo. The trip (over unpaved roads in the back of a truck) took 13 days. <ref>John French, ''Lula and His Politics of Cunning'', Univ. N. Carolina Press, 2020, pp. 31-34</ref>
During the early years of Cavalcanti's rule in Pernambuco, one of the periodic droughts that occur in northeastern Brazil had a massive impact on Pernambuco's social and economic well-being. The drought was unusually severe and municipal warehouses in the interior suffered looting and streams of migrants came from the ''sertão'' to the coast. Initially, Pernambuco was excluded from federal aid to the Northeast.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, p. 132-134</ref> At the end of Cavalcanti's rule in 1937, the continued primacy of the declining sugar economy left Pernambuco dominated by the local aristocracy with little or no improvement for the lower classes.<ref>Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, p. 167</ref> During the Vargas era, an important development in Brazil was the emergence of a middle class. Unfortunately, even in the 1950s, this middle class was practically nonexistent in the inland regions of Pernambuco and very hard to find in cities like Recife.<ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, p. 83</ref> For the poor of Pernambuco and the Northeast region, the path to a better life was exemplified by the migration of the family of [[Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva]]— who would later become President of Brazil— from Pernambuco to [[São Paulo]]. The trip, over unpaved roads in the back of a truck, took 13 days.<ref>John French, ''Lula and His Politics of Cunning'', Univ. N. Carolina Press, 2020, pp. 31-34</ref>


===Between Vargas (1954) and Military Dictatorship (1964)===
===Between Vargas (1954) and Military Dictatorship (1964)===
In this period only President Kubitschek served a complete term in office. All national politics remained dominated by the pro-Vargas and anti-Vargas factions.<ref>Thomas Skidmore, ''Politics in Brazil'', 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp. 143-252</ref> Pernambuco (along with Bahia) in the middle of the Twentieth Century was one of the two leading states in the Brazilian Northeast. In that period income averaged $140 per year, per capita, consumption of electricity was about one fifth the Brazilian national average, infant mortality rates ran from 250 to 500 per 1000 live births, about three quarters of the adult population was illiterate, and fewer that 3 percent of students finished primary school.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, ''Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970'', University Presses of Florida, p. 5</ref> Moreover, while the sugar industry in Pernambuco was recovering from the lows of the early Twentieth Century, the standard of living for the poorest sugar workers was declining.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, ''Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970'', University Presses of Florida, p. 107</ref>
In the decade after the Vargas era, only President [[Juscelino Kubitschek]] served a complete term in office. All national politics remained dominated by the pro-Vargas and anti-Vargas factions.<ref>Thomas Skidmore, ''Politics in Brazil'', 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp. 143-252</ref> Pernambuco (along with Bahia) in the middle of the twentieth century was one of the two leading states in the Brazilian Northeast. In that period, income averaged $140 per year, per capita, consumption of electricity was about one fifth the Brazilian national average, infant mortality rates ran from 250 to 500 per 1000 live births, about three quarters of the adult population was illiterate, and fewer that 3 percent of students finished primary school.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, ''Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970'', University Presses of Florida, p. 5</ref> Moreover, while the sugar industry in Pernambuco was recovering from the lows of the early twentieth century, the standard of living for the poorest sugar workers was declining.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, ''Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970'', University Presses of Florida, p. 107</ref>


In this environment the workers began to organize and the ''Ligas Camponesas'' (peasant leagues) emerged. An attorney and member of the Braziian Socialist Party (PSB), Francisco Julião, championed the peasants' cause and the publicity surrounding the ensuing court and political struggle grew the peasant league to an estimated 40,000 members in Pernambuco.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, ''Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970'', University Presses of Florida, p. 111&112</ref>
In this environment the workers began to organize and the ''Ligas Camponesas'' ([[Peasant leagues (Brazil)|peasant leagues]]) emerged. An attorney and member of the [[Brazilian Socialist Party]] (PSB), [[Francisco Julião]], championed the peasants' cause and the publicity surrounding the ensuing court and political struggle caused the peasant league to grow to an estimated 40,000 members in Pernambuco.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, ''Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970'', University Presses of Florida, p. 111&112</ref>


Following so closely on the Cuban revolution the peasant leagues gave rise to a U.S. CIA effort to clandestinely support moderate peasant organizations. One of the most noteworthy of these moderate organizations was the Pernambuco Rural Orientation Service (SORPE) organized by two priests, Paulo Crespo and Antonio de Melo. An outgrowth of SORPE's effort were several unions. In 1963 200,000 sugar workers in Pernambuco went on strike and won an 80% wage increase.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, ''Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970'', University Presses of Florida, p. 117&118</ref>
Following so closely after the [[Cuban Revolution|Cuban revolution]], the peasant leagues gave rise to an American [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] effort to clandestinely support moderate peasant organizations. One of the most noteworthy of these moderate organizations was the Pernambuco Rural Orientation Service (SORPE) organized by two priests, Paulo Crespo and Antonio de Melo. An outgrowth of SORPE's effort were several unions. In 1963, 200,000 sugar workers in Pernambuco went on strike and won an 80% wage increase.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, ''Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970'', University Presses of Florida, p. 117&118</ref>


Beginning during the Kubitchek presidency another important agent for the development of Pernambuco was the ''[[Sudene|Superentendência do Desenvolvimento do Nordeste]]'' (SUDENE).<ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, p.185</ref> Under its director, noted economist [[Celso Furtado]], SUDENE set forth a three-year plan for economic development. Although the military coup of 1964 would interrupt this plan, SUDENE, and the peasant leagues, were significant elements in developing a political voice for the poor of Pernambuco.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 11</ref>
Beginning during the Kubitschek presidency another important agent for the development of Pernambuco was the ''[[Sudene|Superentendência do Desenvolvimento do Nordeste]]'' (SUDENE).<ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, p.185</ref> Under its director, noted economist [[Celso Furtado]], SUDENE set forth a three-year plan for economic development. Although the military coup of 1964 would interrupt this plan, SUDENE, and the peasant leagues, were significant elements in developing a political voice for the poor of Pernambuco.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 11</ref>


== Brazilian Military Government (1964–1985) ==
==During the military governance of Brazil, 1964 to 1985==
{{main|Brazilian military government|1964 Brazilian coup d'état}}
{{Main|Brazilian military government|1964 Brazilian coup d'état}}


In 1964 a coup established the military as the government of Brazil. Unlike previous occasions when the military intervened and forced a change in government and then withdrew, this time a military dictatorship was established to last until 1985. While treatment of this period at the national level is beyond the scope of this article, the military governments frequently resorted to violence.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 445</ref> A succinct summary germane to Pernambuco is expressed by Alfred Stepan: "There is no doubt that, despite the high economic growth achieved...,there has been a general 'demobilization' of all mass, change-oriented movements, such as the peasant league, the land-reform and trade union movements, and the adult literacy movements.... It appears also that the lower classes have borne the brunt of the fiscal stabilization policy."<ref>Alfred Stepan, ''The Military in Politics: Changing Patterns in Brazil'', Princeton University Press, 1971, p. 214</ref>
In 1964, a coup established the military as the government of Brazil. Unlike previous occasions when the military intervened and forced a change in government and then withdrew, this time a military dictatorship was established which would last until 1985. While treatment of this period at the national level is beyond the scope of this article, the military government frequently resorted to violence in the state of Pernambuco.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 445</ref> Under the military dictatorship, almost all of the change-oriented movements and organizations established during the Second Republic were halted or dismantled in the name of the regime's fiscal stabilization policy.<ref>Alfred Stepan, ''The Military in Politics: Changing Patterns in Brazil'', Princeton University Press, 1971, p. 214</ref>


Despite the "demobilization" Stepan describes, there were affects of the mass, change-oriented movements that were not undone. Moreover, along with stronger centralized government, some of the affects of the change-oriented movements undoubtedly provided a basis for both development in Pernambuco and betterment of the bulk of the population. For example, a Peace Corps worker recalls attending a meeting in rural Pernambuco in 1967. Of the thirty-five union officers attending thirteen had acquired literacy thru the Popular Culture Movement prior to the military dictatorship.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 116</ref> Moreover, some entities, considered to be more moderate were allowed to continue in a limited fashion. Significant among these was the Rural Orientation Service of Pernambuco (SORPE). SORPE identified and developed leaders among the peasants and by 1966 had established fourteen cooperatives. Of these the cooperatives located in the ''agreste'' were proving effective in assisting peasants with marketing their produce.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 122</ref> SORPE also developed the Tiriri Cooperative in the ''zone da mata''. By 1967 not only was the cooperative producing some of the best sugar cane, but its members also produced food crops, raised live stock and were able to market fruits and vegetables.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 139</ref> This directly addressed a continuing problem with development in Pernambuco: the practice of growing only sugar cane on traditional plantations and importing food from other Brazilian states. The lack of locally sufficient food crops was a barrier to development in Pernambuco.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, ch. 10</ref>
Despite the dismantling of many of these institutions, there were certain impacts made by these change-oriented movements that were not undone. Specifically, these movements provided a basis for both infrastructural development in Pernambuco and education of the state's population. For example, a Peace Corps worker recalled attending a meeting in rural Pernambuco in 1967. Of the thirty-five union officers attending thirteen had acquired literacy thru the Popular Culture Movement prior to the military dictatorship.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 116</ref> In addition, some entities which were considered to be more moderate were allowed to continue in a limited fashion. One of these entities was the Rural Orientation Service of Pernambuco (SORPE), which identified leaders among the peasantry and established [[cooperative]]s in rural areas that assisted peasants in marketing their produce.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 122</ref> These cooperatives directly addressed one hurdle in the development of Pernambuco, which was the practice of only growing sugar can on traditional plantations and having to import food form other Brazilian states. This caused a lack of production of local food crops and was a barrier to the development of the state.<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, ch. 10</ref>


===The Opposition===
===Opposition to the Dictatorship===
{{Main|Hélder Câmara|Liberation theology}}
[[File:Helder Camara 1981.jpg|280px|thumb|Hélder Câmara in 1984]]Despite brutal suppression on the part of military dictators, opposition to the regime quickly arose, especially in the Northeastern region of Brazil.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 454</ref>


The church in Pernambuco was not the only center of resistance in the state, nor was Archbishop [[Hélder Câmara]] the only bishop in Brazil to oppose the military dictatorship. However, throughout the military dictatorship the Catholic Church was the face of the resistance.<ref name="Alfred Stepan 1971, pp. 258-9">Alfred Stepan, The Military in Politics: Changing Patterns in Brazil, Princeton University Press, 1971, pp. 258-9</ref> Pernambuco's Archbishop Câmara, a leading exponent of [[Liberation Theology]], became one of Brazil's most well known advocates for the poor and opponent of the military dictators.<ref name="Alfred Stepan 1971, pp. 258-9"/><ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp 321, 401-402</ref><ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 459</ref> Under the archbishop's leadership several priests advocated for the impoverished of Pernambuco and at least one priest in Recife was tortured and murdered without government investigation in 1969.<ref>João Quartim, Dictatorship and Armed Struggle in Brazil, Trans. David Fernbach, Monthly Review Press, New York, 1971, p. 211</ref> Nevertheless, resistance continued. Toward the end of the military dictatorship, along with unions and squatters, the Catholic Church in Brazil participated in organizing the [[Landless Workers' Movement|Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra]] (MST).<ref>Wendy Wolford, This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil, Duke Univ. Press, 2010, pp. 46-50</ref> While the initial efforts of MST were in the South of Brazil, in the 1990s MST became a force for land reform in Pernambuco.{{Citation needed|date=March 2021}}
Despite brutal suppression on the part of military dictators opposition arose quickly and samples of how wide spread the opposition spread is illustrated by the popular protest song Carcará, a lament for the hunger and poverty in the Northeast.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 454</ref>


====Pernambuco as a locus of opposition====
===End of Military Dictatorship===
Two presidents—one a newly elected military dictator, the other a future Twenty-first Century president—took noteworthy actions toward the end of the military dictatorship. Future president [[Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva]], a native of Pernambuco, led a series of strikes in São Paulo.<ref>John D. French, ''Lula and His Politics of Cunning'', Univ. of North Carolina Press, Ch. 1</ref> The other newly elected president and dictator, [[João Figueiredo]], declared an ''abertura'' (opening) to democracy.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 466</ref> This declaration was followed by an amnesty, elections for governors and legislative elections in 1982, and in 1985 a civilian president of Brazil was elected.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 476</ref>
{{main|Hélder Câmara|Liberation theology}}
[[File:Helder Camara 1981.jpg|280px|thumb|left|Hélder Câmara in 1984]]
''"When I give food to the poor they call me a saint. When I ask why the poor have no food they call me a communist."''<sub>Archbishop Hélder Câmara</sub>


== Modern History (1985– ) ==
The church in Pernambuco was not the only center of resistance in the state, nor was Archbishop Hélder Câmara the only bishop in Brazil to oppose the military dictatorship, however, throughout the military rule the Catholic Church was a face of resistance<ref>Alfred Stepan, The Military in Politics: Changing Patterns in Brazil, Princeton University Press, 1971, pp. 258-9</ref> and Pernambuco's Archbishop [[Helder Camara]], a leading exponent of [[Liberation Theology]], became one of Brazil's most well known advocates for the poor and an opponent of the military dictators.<ref>Alfred Stepan, The Military in Politics: Changing Patterns in Brazil, Princeton University Press, 1971, pp. 258-9</ref><ref>Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp 321, 401-402</ref> <ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 459</ref> Under their archbishops leadership several priests advocated for the impoverished of Pernambuco and at least one priest in Recife was tortured and murdered without government investigation in 1969.<ref>João Quartim, Dictatorship and Armed Struggle in Brazil, Trans. David Fernbach, Monthly Review Press, New York, 1971, p. 211</ref> Nevertheless, resistance continued. Toward the end of the military dictatorship, along with unions and squatters, the Catholic Church in Brazil participated in organizing the [[Landless Workers' Movement|Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra]] (MST).<ref>Wendy Wolford, This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil, Duke Univ. Press, 2010,pp. 46-50</ref> While the initial efforts of MST were in the South of Brazil, in the 1990's MST would become a force for land reform in Pernambuco.
{{Main|History of Brazil since 1985}}

===The Ending of Military Dictatorship===
Two presidents—one a newly elected military dictator, the other a future Twenty-first Century president—took noteworthy actions toward te end of the military dictatorship. Future president ''[[Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva]]'', a son of Pernambuco, led a series of strikes in São Paulo.<ref>John D. French, ''Lula and His Politics of Cunning'', Univ. of North Carolina Press, Ch. 1</ref> The other newly elected president and dictator, ''[[João Figueiredo]]'', declared an ''abertura'' (opening) to democracy. <ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 466</ref> This declaration was followed by an amnesty, elections for governors and legislative elections in 1982 and in 1985 a civilian president of Brazil was elected.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 476</ref>

==Pernambuco since 1985==
{{main|History of Brazil since 1985}}
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! Carlos Wilson Rocha de Queirós Campos
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! Joaquim Francisco de Freitas Cavalcanti
| Joaquim Francisco de Freitas Cavalcanti
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! [[Miguel Arraes|Miguel Arraes de Alencar]]
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! [[Jarbas Vasconcelos|Jarbas de Andrade Vasconcelos]]
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! [[Mendonça Filho|Jose Mendonça Bezerra Filho]]
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! [[Eduardo Campos|Eduardo Henrique Accioly Campos]]
| [[Eduardo Campos|Eduardo Henrique Accioly Campos]]
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! João Soares Lyra Neto
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| [[Paulo Câmara|Paulo Henrique Saraiva Câmara]]
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Over the course of the Twentieth Century various forces improved the quality of life in Pernambuco. Particularly important were advances in communication and transportation, but also the centralization of the Vargas era governments and the military dictatorship that came to have greater influence than Brazil’s centuries old regionalism. <ref>E. Bradford Burns, ''A History of Brazil'', 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, 1993, p 423</ref> Since the country pivoted away from military rule and back to democracy, it is evident that while Pernambuco was still very much a state where latifundia, monoculture, and a ruling elite controlled, nevertheless living conditions in the state have greatly improved. One measure of quality of life is infant mortality rates. In the 1970’s observers pointed to Pernambuco as part of the least developed region in the Western Hemisphere with an infant mortality rate variously described as 25 to 50%<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 5</ref> or that as many as 40% of children died prior to reaching school age.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, ''A History of Brazil'', Columbia University Press, New York, 1970, p. 350</ref> Statistics from the turn of the millennium show a sharp and continuing improvement. Infant mortality declined (using two different measures) by 6.8 or 6.2 percent per annum between 1990 and 2015 from (again using two measures) 77.0 or 90.4 infant deaths per 1000 live births (IDp1kLB) in 1990 to 13.4 or 18.2 IDp1kLB in 2015.<ref> Szwarcwald, C.L., Almeida, W.d., Teixeira, R.A. et al. “Inequalities in infant mortality in Brazil at subnational levels in Brazil, 1990 to 2015.” ''Popul Health Metrics'' 18, 4 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12963-020-00208-1</ref>
Over the course of the 20th century, various forces improved the quality of life in Pernambuco. Particularly important were advances in communication and transportation, but also the centralization of the Vargas era governments and the military dictatorship that came to have greater influence than Brazil's centuries old regionalism.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, ''A History of Brazil'', 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, 1993, p 423</ref> Since the country pivoted away from military rule and back to democracy, it is evident that Pernambuco is still very much a state where latifundia and monoculture are major factors, and, likewise the same ruling elite controls the government, nevertheless living conditions in the state have greatly improved.
In the 1970s observers pointed to Pernambuco as part of the least developed region in the Western Hemisphere with an infant mortality rate variously described as 25 to 50%<ref>Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 5</ref> or that as many as 40% of children died prior to reaching school age.<ref>E. Bradford Burns, ''A History of Brazil'', Columbia University Press, New York, 1970, p. 350</ref> Statistics from the turn of the millennium show a sharp and continuing improvement. Infant mortality declined (using two different measures) by 6.8 or 6.2 percent per annum between 1990 and 2015 from (again using two measures) 77.0 or 90.4 infant deaths per 1000 live births in 1990 to 13.4 or 18.2 infant deaths per 1000 live births in 2015.<ref>Szwarcwald, C.L., Almeida, W.d., Teixeira, R.A. et al. “Inequalities in infant mortality in Brazil at subnational levels in Brazil, 1990 to 2015.” ''Popul Health Metrics'' 18, 4 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12963-020-00208-1</ref>

===Rural Life===
===Rural life===
During military rule one earlier effort to improve the lot of the rural poor, the [[Peasant leagues (Brazil)|Ligas Camponesas]] (peasant leagues) was suppressed<ref> Wendy Wolford, ''This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil'', Duke Univ. Press, 2010, p. 128</ref> and another, the unions were retained to function as an instrument to oppose the peasant leagues. After the military dictatorship during the beginnings of the New Republic MST provides an example of national movement influences in rural Pernambuco. The [[Landless Workers' Movement|Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra]] (MST) was organized in 1984 in the far South of Brazil.<ref>John French, ''Lula and His Politics of Cunning'', Univ. of N. Carolina Press, 2020, p16</ref> MST intentionally sought to organize on a national, not a regional basis.<ref>Wendy Wolford, ''This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil'', Duke Univ. Press, 2010, p. 4</ref>MST began organizing in the South using land occupations and provisions of the Brazilian constitutions. MST experienced considerable success. However when MST began organizing in Pernambuco the process was more difficult due to Pernambuco's historic culture. MST found that the landless poor in Pernambuco’s [[zona da mata]] (coastal areas of sugar cultivation) were amenable to organization during the 1990’s largely because during the last decades of the century the market for sugar was in severe decline. Accustomed to regular paychecks, at least when employed, sugar cane workers saw subsistence farming as disadvantageous. Regular paychecks bought food now, whereas subsistence farming produced food only after planting, cultivation, and harvest. However, the due to the shrinking of the market for sugar that began in the 1980’s and continued through the 1990’s, MST was successful in organizing in Pernambuco and would execute land occupations especially during the decade of the 1990’s. Although, in fact, when the market for sugar revived after the turn of the millennium the now landowning peasants promptly abandoned subsistence farming and began growing sugar cane, nevertheless MST represents forces that have improved rural quality of life in Pernambuco.<ref> Wendy Wolford, ''This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil'', Duke Univ. Press, 2010, pp. 211-226</ref>
During military rule one earlier effort to improve the lot of the rural poor, the [[Peasant leagues (Brazil)|Ligas Camponesas]] (peasant leagues) was suppressed.<ref>Wendy Wolford, ''This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil'', Duke Univ. Press, 2010, p. 128</ref> After the military dictatorship, the [[Landless Workers' Movement|Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra]] (MST), which had been organized in 1984 in the far South of Brazil, had some success in providing land to the rural poor.<ref>John French, ''Lula and His Politics of Cunning'', Univ. of N. Carolina Press, 2020, p16</ref> MST intentionally sought to organize on a national basis, not a regional basis.<ref>Wendy Wolford, ''This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil'', Duke Univ. Press, 2010, p. 4</ref> MST began organizing in the South using land occupations and provisions of the Brazilian constitutions. MST experienced considerable success. However, when MST began organizing in Pernambuco, the process was more difficult due to Pernambuco's historic culture. MST found that the landless poor in Pernambuco's [[zona da mata]] (coastal areas of sugar cultivation) were amenable to organization during the 1990s largely because during the last decades of the century the market for sugar was in severe decline. Accustomed to regular paychecks, at least when employed, sugar cane workers saw subsistence farming as disadvantageous. Regular paychecks mean immediate money for food, whereas subsistence farming produced food only after planting, cultivation, and harvest. However, the due to the shrinking of the market for sugar that began in the 1980s and continued through the 1990s, MST was successful in organizing in Pernambuco and would execute land occupations especially during the 1990s. While many peasants returned to sugar farming at the turn of the millennium with the revival of the market for sugar, MST was still able to improve the rural quality of life in Pernambuco.<ref>Wendy Wolford, ''This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil'', Duke Univ. Press, 2010, pp. 211-226</ref>


===Urban life===
===Urban life===
{{main|Recife}}
{{Main|Recife}}{{Off topic|date=March 2021}}
The capital of Pernambuco is Recife, the largest city in Northeast Brazil and one of the largest of Brazil’s cities. It is relatively easy to find newspaper articles on Brazil and Recife in particular that discuss the contrast between the cities as tourists see them and the slums that impoverished residents live in. <ref>{{cite news |last1=Evan |first1=Williams |title=Death to undesirables: Brazil's murder capital |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/death-undesirables-brazil-s-murder-capital-1685214.html |access-date=January 27, 2021 |issue=Internet edition |publisher=Independent |date=July 3, 2013}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Popular with tourists in Brazil, Recife is deadly for residents |url=https://www.latimes.com/travel/la-trw-recife27apr27-story.html |access-date=January 27, 2021 |agency=Associated Press |issue=Internet edition |work=Los Angeles Times |date=April 27, 2008}}</ref> Moreover, there is much scholarly documentation of the migraton to cities and the plight of the poor in Recife and other Brazilian cities.<ref>Robert Levine, ''Pernambuco in the Brazilan Federation, 1889-1937'', ch 1</ref><ref>E. Bradford Burns, ''A History of Brazil'', 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 309, 360, 481</ref> Notwithstanding the fact that conditions in the slums are bad and much improvement is needed, taking homicides in Recife as a indicator of progress, this very fundamental indicator of quality of life shows that since the return of democracy to Brazil, quality of life has experienced some improvement. Moreover, the trend of decrease in Recife is opposite the trend in Brazil overall which has generally increased from a homicide rate of 28.5 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2002 and reached 29 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants by 2012. In 2000, the homicide rate in Recife was 97.5 per 100,000 inhabitants and Recife was said to be the most dangerous state capital in Brazil. However by 2012, this rate dropped to 52 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, this decrease in homicides is noteworthy both for its dramatic plunge and because the rate still exceeds the national average by a significant margin.<ref>D. Pereira, C.Mota, and M. Andresen, "The Homicide Drop in Recife, Brazil: A Study of Crime Concentrations and Spatial Patterns", ''Homicide Studies'' 2017, Vol. 21(1) 21&27.</ref>
The capital of Pernambuco is Recife, the largest city in Northeast Brazil and one Brazil's largest cities. In Recife and other cities, there is a great contrast between the cities that tourists see and the slums that impoverished residents live in.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Evan|first1=Williams|date=July 3, 2013|title=Death to undesirables: Brazil's murder capital|publisher=Independent|issue=Internet edition|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/death-undesirables-brazil-s-murder-capital-1685214.html|access-date=January 27, 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|date=April 27, 2008|title=Popular with tourists in Brazil, Recife is deadly for residents|work=Los Angeles Times|agency=Associated Press|issue=Internet edition|url=https://www.latimes.com/travel/la-trw-recife27apr27-story.html|access-date=January 27, 2021}}</ref> Moreover, there is much scholarly documentation of the migration to cities and the plight of the poor in Recife and other Brazilian cities.<ref>Robert Levine, ''Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937'', ch 1</ref><ref>E. Bradford Burns, ''A History of Brazil'', 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 309, 360, 481</ref> Notwithstanding, the fact that conditions in the slums are bad and much improvement is needed, taking homicides in Recife as an indicator of progress, this very fundamental indicator of quality of life shows that since the return of democracy to Brazil, quality of life has experienced some improvement. Moreover, the trend of decrease in Recife is opposite the trend in Brazil overall which has generally increased from a homicide rate of 28.5 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2002 and reached 29 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants by 2012. In 2000, the homicide rate in Recife was 97.5 per 100,000 inhabitants and Recife was said to be the most dangerous state capital in Brazil. However, by 2012, this rate dropped to 52 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, this decrease in homicides is noteworthy both for its dramatic plunge and because the rate still exceeds the national average by a significant margin.<ref>D. Pereira, C.Mota, and M. Andresen, "The Homicide Drop in Recife, Brazil: A Study of Crime Concentrations and Spatial Patterns", ''Homicide Studies'' 2017, Vol. 21(1) 21&27.</ref>

While attempts to address land ownership in Pernambuco experienced limited success affecting land tenure in the last half of the Twentieth Century through organizations such as the ‘Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra’ (MST) and the ‘Ligas Camponesas’ in the city of Recife a fifty-year effort to resolve squatter's rights in the city center came to fruition in the 2014 granting of titled ownership of homes in Ponte Maduro to residents of this ''favela'' (slum). This event was celebrated in a ceremony under the aegis of Governor Eduardo Campos, the mayor of Recife, and other officials. As a substantial majority of these new landowners were women, this achievement has been hailed not simply as addressing land tenure, but as a significant step in addressing gender equality.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://gltn.net/2014/03/18/after-half-a-century-land-titles-given-to-residents-of-ponte-do-maduro-recife-brazil/|title = After half a century, land titles given to residents of Ponte do Maduro: Recife, Brazil – Global Land Tool Network}}</ref>


===Recently===
===Recent history===
{{Off topic|date=March 2021}}
As is evidenced by the discussion in preceding sections Pernambuco has made great strides in improving the quality of life for its citizens. While true to conditions throughout the Northeast coast of Brazil Pernambuco remains an underdeveloped state in Brazil. Recent statistics from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics Foundation (IBGE) show a (prepandemic) 2019 average monthly income of 970 R$ (about US $180) up from just over 600 R$ in 2012. To put this in a purchasing power frame, in 2012 Pernambuco had 2.2 million automobiles and in 2019 the number of automobiles was increased to 3 million.<ref>{{cite web |title=IGBE |url=https://www.ibge.gov.br/en/cities-and-states/pe.html |website=IGBE |publisher=IGBE |access-date=January 28, 2021}}</ref>
As it was evidenced by the discussion in preceding sections Pernambuco has made great strides in improving the quality of life for its citizens. While true to conditions throughout the Northeast coast of Brazil Pernambuco remains an underdeveloped state in Brazil. Recent statistics from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics Foundation (IBGE) show a (prepandemic) 2019 average monthly income of 970 R$ (about US$180) up from just over 600 R$ in 2012. To put this in a purchasing power frame, in 2012 Pernambuco had 2.2 million automobiles and in 2019 the number of automobiles was increased to 3 million.<ref>{{cite web |title=IGBE |url=https://www.ibge.gov.br/en/cities-and-states/pe.html |website=IGBE |publisher=IGBE |access-date=January 28, 2021}}</ref>


==See also==
==See also==
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==References==
==References==
{{Reflist}}
<references/>


==Further reading==
==Further reading==
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{{Brazil topics}}
{{Brazil topics}}
{{History of South America}}
{{History of South America}}
{{Brazil topic
|title = [[History of Brazil]] by political division
|prefix = History of
}}
{{Authority control}}


{{DEFAULTSORT:Pernambuco}}
[[Category:History of Pernambuco| ]]
[[Category:History of Pernambuco| ]]
[[Category:Colonial Brazil]]
[[Category:Colonial Brazil]]

Latest revision as of 00:06, 15 September 2024

Current flag of Pernambuco adopted from the 1817 Revolution flag.

The history of Pernambuco can be roughly divided into two periods: first, when the region was a colony of Portugal and, second, when it was a component of the nation of Brazil. Not to be overlooked, however, are the established indigenous peoples of the region, numerous revolts and short-lived independence movements, French incursions, and a Dutch occupation.

Located in the Northeast Region of Brazil, Pernambuco was economically prosperous during its early history, first as a source of dye-wood and then sugar, but later languished becoming today a principal state in Brazil's underdeveloped Northeast Region. Following the expulsion of the Dutch from the region in 1654, there were numerous impediments to the development of the region, including a concentrated system of land ownership, its extensive reliance on a single crop, poor communication and transportation, and intense regionalism. In the late 20th century, the region again experienced some success as it developed an industrial sector and improved communication and transportation reduced the effects of regionalism.

Name

[edit]

Recent research indicates that the name Pernambuco was derived from Boca de Fernão (Fernão's Mouth).[1] The place, now known as Canal de Santa Cruz, is where Fernão de Noronha loaded his ships with Brazilian wood to trade in Europe.[2] The name was spoken by the Tupi as Pernãobuka and was recorded by French writers as Fernambouc; the two pronunciations have been combined into the modern name.[citation needed]

In the past, Pernambuco was believed to be a distortion of the Tupi words para-nã (wide river) and Mbuka (hollow or broken), referring to its coastal reefs.[3]

Prehistory and antiquity

[edit]

The northeast section of Brazil has some of the country's oldest archaeological sites, dating back to 40,000 BC. In the region that today corresponds to Pernambuco, signs of human occupation from around 9,000 BC were identified in the regions of Chã do Caboclo, Bom Jardim, Furna do Estragon, and Brejo da Madre de Deus. In Brejo da Madre de Deus, an important necropolis was found, from which 83 skeletons were recovered.[4][5]

The Itaparica people inhabited the region and were responsible for creating stone instruments around 4,000 BC. Cave paintings in the region from around AD 1 are attributed to the Kiriri people. Other indigenous groups from before Portuguese colonization such as the Pankararu and Atikum are still present in certain parts of Pernambuco.[4] At the time of Portuguese colonization, the Tabajara, Tupinambá, and Caetés were recorded as inhabiting the area.[6]

Precolonial history

[edit]

Indigenous peoples

[edit]

At the time of the discovery of Brazil by Portugal, the area near Recife was populated chiefly by Tabajara Indians.[7][8] The Tabajara were members of the Tupi-Guarani linguistic group. The Portuguese had more successful dealings with Tupi-Guarani speakers than with speakers of other languages.[9] While the Portuguese found many cultural practices of indigenous peoples objectionable, such as cannibalism and nudity,[10] the Tupi-Guarani were viewed as more valuable culturally than their counterparts. Whereas other indigenous groups were wholly hunter-gatherers, Tupi speakers, including the Tabajara, practiced limited agriculture.[9]

Portuguese arrival

[edit]
The brazilwood tree, which gives Brazil its name, has dark, valuable wood and provides red dye.

The Tupi speakers' agriculture was key in their cooperation with the Portuguese during the pre-colonial period. During this time, the primary objective of the Portuguese in the region was to harvest and export Brazilwood. To this end, coivara (slash-and-burn) agriculture was employed by indigenous peoples. With the men doing the heavy work of clearing ground and the women planting and harvesting crops,[11] indigenous peoples traded large quantities of Brazilwood with the Portuguese. In return, they were supplied with metal tools which allowed for more efficient ground clearing and quickly abandoned their stone tools.[12]

King Manuel I of Portugal

To facilitate the exploitation of Brazilwood, King Manuel I of Portugal granted Fernão de Loronha, after whom the islands of Fernando de Noronha are named, an exclusive license to exploit Brazilwood.[13] Most of the Brazilwood taken from the region was shipped to Northern Europe, where it was valued for the red dye which came from the wood. The dye was especially popular in France, which soon began competing with the Portuguese in an attempt to secure Brazilwood production for themselves.[12] Manuel I viewed these French efforts as violations of his sovereign territory. In 1516, King Manoel charged Cristóvão Jacques with patrolling the coast of Pernambuco against foreign vessels. Jacques established a feitoria, or trading post, on Itamaracá, an island at the mouth of the Canal de Santa Cruz. The trading post was intended to establish relations with the natives, seek information about resources inland, and repel encroachments by other nations.[14][15]

A French force led by Bertrand d'Ornesan once again tried to establish a trading post in Pernambuco in 1531.[16] The Portuguese responded by sending an armada led by Martim Afonso de Sousa which burned the French outpost and reestablished Portuguese control in the area.[17] Shortly after this victory, Portuguese immigrants began to settle in Brazil. In 1534, King John III of Portugal began granting hereditary captaincies in order to better secure Brazil against foreign powers.[18]

Colonial Period

[edit]

Early Colonial Period (1534–1630)

[edit]
King John III of Portugal
Duarte Coelho, first Lord Proprietor of Pernambuco

By 1534 it became evident to John III of Portugal that in order to retain his rights to Brazil, Portuguese people must settle there. At the time, John viewed controlling trade in Asia as a more pressing matter than cementing control over Brazil, so he instituted the captaincy system which had previously been used in the Azores and other island possessions of Portugal. The Captaincy of Pernambuco was formed and granted to Duarte Coelho, consisting sixty leagues along the Atlantic Coast from the island of Itamaracá in the north to the River Sao Francisco in the south.[19]

Coelho arrived in Brazil in 1535 with his wife Dona Brites de Albuquerque, her brother Jeronimo de Albuquerque, a small group of settlers, and some supplies with which to found his captaincy.[20] While few historical documents exist to the exact nature of Coelho's governance, it is clear that Pernambuco was decidedly the most successful of all the initial captaincies in Brazil. However, Coelho's initial efforts also established Pernambuco's reliance on sugar farming and the latifundia system. As Lord Proprietor, Coelho directed military actions against the French-aligned Caeté people. Upon their defeat in 1537, he established a settlement in a former native village known as Olinda, as well as another village at Igarassu. Duarte Coelho, and later his heirs, enjoyed relative autonomy in developing the captaincy as a major producer of sugar and Portugal's richest Brazilian colony throughout the 16th century.[21] This success persisted until the Dutch invaded and occupied Pernambuco in 1630.

Dutch Occupation (1630–1654)

[edit]
Second Battle of Guararapes, in which the Portuguese forced the Dutch out of Pernambuco

Portugal experienced competition from other foreign powers throughout its colonial history, and preventing these rivals from expanding in the New World was one motivation for its colonization of Brazil. When the kingdom of Portugal fell under the rule of the Spanish Hapsburgs in 1580, however, Brazil became a prime target for the new colonial power of the Netherlands. After the Dutch failed to take Bahia, they invaded and occupied Pernambuco and continued to expand northward to the Amazon River. The Dutch occupation of Pernambuco was resisted by the Portuguese colonists for its duration. This period of Pernambucano history can roughly be divided into three periods: six years of fighting from 1630 to 1636; relative pacification under the governorship of Johan Maurits, from 1636 to 1644; and renewed struggle in the decade after Maurits' recall, from 1644 to 1654, ending with the expulsion of the Dutch.[22]

Late Colonial Period (1655–1807)

[edit]

After the Dutch occupation, Pernambuco was never able to restore its place as the most successful captaincy in Brazil. Over the course of the Dutch occupation, Bahia had surpassed Parambuco in sugar production. Additional Dutch colonies in the Caribbean were also developed and began producing sugar, providing fierce new competition for Parambuco within Brazil and internationally. Also contributing to Parambuco's decline in importance was the discovery of gold and diamonds in other Brazilian provinces such as Minas Gerais. Thus, when Brazil became an independent nation, Pernambuco's importance within the new nation was greatly diminished, despite its continued production of sugar.[23][24]

Early Brazilian Period (1807–1889)

[edit]

Brazil's independence was predominantly caused by the arrival of the Portuguese royal family in the country. Portugal having been occupied by Napoleon's army and with Rio de Janeiro hosting the royal court, Brazil no longer occupied the role of colony and Portugal was no longer able to function as its metropole. As such, Brazil's ports were opened to foreign trade, its government became America centered, and bureaucratic institutions were established in the new country. Unlike the Spanish colonies in America, Brazil would remain territorially intact, aside from the loss of what is today Uruguay. However, there were rebellions in several regions of Brazil, including in Pernambuco, which could have led to the fracturing of Brazil.[25]

Pernambuco Revolts

[edit]
See also Rebellions and revolutions in Brazil
Flag of the 1817 Pernambucan revolt

Two meaningful themes explaining events in Pernambuco leading up to, directly relating to, or following on the independence of Brazil were, first, regional rivalry with other parts of Brazil, and, second, conflict within Pernambuco between the mozombos (those born in Brazil) and the reinóis (those born in Portugal).[26] These two factors had led to the 18th century Mascate War, which can be viewed as an early indicator of the strife which would continue to occur between native born Brazilians and the Portuguese reinóis.[27] Several early rebellions among the intellectual class of Brazil achieved little and had minimal impact on Brazilian history, including the 1801 Inconfidencia of Pernambuco.[28] After 1808 these separatist rebellions were primarily associated with Brazil's elevation to a kingdom, as many in Pernambuco preferred a republic to a monarchy. In 1817, the region rebelled for this reason, but the rebellion was quickly put down by naval and land forces of the monarch and its leaders were executed.[26]

King John eventually returned to Portugal, leaving his son Pedro I as the Brazilian regent. Refusing to become a colony of Portugal again, Prince Pedro established the Empire of Brazil and promulgated a new constitution.[29] Pernambuco again rebelled in 1824 in response to this new constitution, forming the short-lived Confederation of the Equator along with Ceará and Paraíba. The confederation was quickly crushed by imperial forces and its leaders were executed.[29][26] Additionally, by imperial decree, the size of Pernambuco was substantially reduced, with the comarca of São Francisco being lost.[30] In 1829, Pernambuco again rebelled and was quickly subdued.[29]

From 1832 to 1836, Pernambuco fought yet another rebellion against Brazil in the War of the Cabanos. However, this uprising was different in the sense that it was primarily a popular revolt, as opposed to earlier rebellions which were largely affairs of the elite. In addition, the rebellion was largely agrarian, whereas other rebellions in Pernambuco were mostly confined to Recife and Olinda. The rebellion's leader, Vincente Ferreira de Paulo, is considered to be a populist caudilho, or military dictator.[29]

The Praieira revolt was the last unsuccessful revolt in the Empire of Brazil and occurred in Pernambuco from 1847 to 1848. This revolt, again due to resentment of the Portuguese and factionalism, was put down by imperial forces, though with somewhat fewer reprisals than in earlier revolts.[25]

Geography

[edit]

The territorial extent of Pernambuco was fluid during the colonial period, and the current borders were roughly set in the 19th century after Ceará and São Francisco were removed from the state. For most of its history, records and accounts are only available for the coastal forest zone of the coast. The other two areas of the state, the agreste and sertão, where literacy was very low had minimal historical records even in the 19th century.[31]

Social history

[edit]
1828 issue of the Diário de Pernambuco

Pernambuco was home to several prominent, rigid classes from colonial times into the 20th century. The elites of the state consisted of government officials appointed by an external ruler, the senhores de engenho (sugar mill owners), and colonels (local landowners, especially inland). The most influential elites were the sugar mill owners. In the middle class were the lavradores da cana (small sugar cane growers), merchants, and certain skilled workers. The largest classes consisted of slaves, freedmen, sharecroppers, and common laborers.[32][33][34]

During the colonial era, printing presses were outlawed in Brazil and education was extremely limited, with only around 3,000 colonists receiving degrees in Coimbra and a low literacy rate of 15% even among the free population.[35][36] Despite this, a printing press was established in Pernambuco by 1817, later becoming the Diário de Pernambuco which claims to be the "oldest continuously circulating daily in Latin America."[37] Under the Empire of Brazil, Recife became the home of the second law school in Brazil.[38]

Abolition of Slavery

[edit]

The Transatlantic slave trade was effectively eliminated in 1850,[39] further exacerbating the shortage of slaves in Pernambuco.[39] In 1871, Brazil enacted the law of free birth which thenceforth made free all children born to slaves.[40] In 1888, under the influence of an increasingly urban society and with the advocacy of intellectuals, such as Pernambucan politician Joaquim Nabuco, slavery was abolished.[41]

The abolition of slavery had only minimal impact on the social structure of Pernambuco. The elites within the state maintained their privileges, and freed slaves mainly became wage workers in an economy where labor was cheap. The elites of Pernambuco were not as averse to modernization, so long as that modernization did not interfere with their traditional privileges.[42] As such, resistance to abolition was tempered by the relative cooperation of the elites, as well as by other economic conditions. These included the suppression of the Atlantic slave trade which had already diminished the number of slaves in Pernambuco, as well as the consolidation of sugar mills which made the industry less reliant on slave labor.[43] As such, while abolition was not hampered in the region, the condition of freedmen in Pernambuco was not greatly improved, as they mostly melded into an existing labor supply of impoverished workers.[44]

Economic history

[edit]

From the time of Portuguese settlement, the economy of Pernambuco had been based on latifundia (large estates), monoculture (one-crop), and slavery. Now that Pernambuco was no longer a colony which had to produce for the Portuguese metropole, changes in the economy occurred and new institutions appeared. Some of these had been long available only in Portugal and some were a function of factors such as the Industrial Revolution. However, overall, during the Empire, the economy of Pernambuco was dominated by the decline of sugar production.[45]

While sugar was Brazil's primary export in the early years of the Empire,[46] coffee took its place in the second decade of the Empire. This coffee was mainly grown in the central and southern regions of Brazil and not in Pernambuco, and the state became increasingly unable to compete with these new agricultural producers.[47] By the 1850s there was limited industrialization in Pernambuco with nine textile mills, a candle factory, and a tobacco factory among other factories. However, Pernambuco remained largely reliant on sugar production, and modernization of the sugar industry in the second half of the 19th century in response to the end of the slave trade was only minimally successful.[48]

Cotton is indigenous to Brazil and has been cultivated in Pernambuco since prehistory. Beginning in the late eighteenth century, as a result of the Industrial Revolution, cotton became an important export for Pernambuco through the beginning of the Empire. The American War of 1812 provided an impetus for cotton cultivation. The war provided a much-expanded market for this export crop. After 1830, United States production largely replaced Brazilian cotton. However, in the decade of the 1860s, during the American Civil War, cotton again became an important export for Pernambuco.[49] Cotton, in contrast with sugar, was grown in the agreste.[50]

In 1851, the first bank in Pernambuco, the Commercial Bank of Pernambuco, was established. This bank and others would become the principal lenders and creditors in Pernambuco, displacing merchants and religious establishments.[51] In 1858, the first railroad in Pernambuco began operation between Recife and Cabo. The railways would primarily speed exports to the external markets. The effects of the railroads in unifying Brazil and improving internal transportation were less significant.[52]

First Brazilian Republic (1889–1930)

[edit]
From To Governors of Pernambuco[53]
1889 José Simeão de Oliveira
1890 José Vincente Meira de Vasconcelos
1890 Henrique Pereira Lucena
1892 Alexandre José Barbosa Lima
1896 Joaquim Correia de Araujo
1900 Antônio Gonçalves Ferreira
1904 Sigismundo Gonçalves
1908 Herculino Bandeira
1911 Emídio Dantas Barreto
1915 Manoel Borba
1919 José Rufino Bezerra Cavalcanti
1922 Sérgio Loreto
1926 Estácio Coimbra

The demise of the Empire and the institution of the Republic were events which took place far from Pernambuco. The republicans of Pernambuco were not well organized nor influential. The monarchists quickly became republicans and Pernambuco was little changed. The federal system established by the First Brazilian Republic forced states to compete for central government patronage allowing the states in the Southern regions to benefit and reducing benefits to Pernambuco and other states in Brazil's Northeastern region. Aid to the periodically drought stricken Northeast provides a window into understanding the negative effects of regionalism on Pernambuco throughout much of the states history. Under the Empire, the government had been little inclined to provide drought aid. Generally, under the federal system of the First Republic this pattern continued. The presidencies of Epitácio Pessôa and Artur Bernardes provide an illustration of this. Pessôa, in this period, the only president from the Northeast, the federal government spent up to 15% of the national budget on drought oriented public works in the Northeast. When Bernardes succeeded him funding was promptly stopped, throwing thousands out of work. Not coincidentally banditry in the Northeast increased and the career of the infamous cangaceiro Lampião began.[54] The elites of Pernambuco were quite successful in maintaining their privileges and control of Pernambuco's government. Moreover, while the government was aware of Pernambuco's problems, these problems remained unresolved or worsened, and efforts to address them encountered resistance including violence. Life for the poor was harsh, with high fertility and mortality, malnutrition, and violence.[55]

The Era of Getulio Vargas

[edit]

Getúlio Vargas became the provisional president of Brazil in 1930 and was elected constitutional president in 1937.[56] In contrast to the federal structure of the First Republic, the Vargas Era was embodied by a strong central government.[56] As such, the state of Pernambuco, while still a leading state in the Northeast, exerted minimal influence within Brazil.[57]

In 1930, the Democratic Party of Pernambuco was able to seize the opportunity presented by the rise of Vargas on the national level to install Lima Cavalcanti as interventor in control of the government of Pernambuco.[58] Cavalcanti would remain in power in Pernambuco until removed by Vargas in 1937.[59] The government of Pernambuco was riven by competition between factions of the elites struggling for control and spoils.[60]

Social and economic conditions

[edit]

During the early years of Cavalcanti's rule in Pernambuco, one of the periodic droughts that occur in northeastern Brazil had a massive impact on Pernambuco's social and economic well-being. The drought was unusually severe and municipal warehouses in the interior suffered looting and streams of migrants came from the sertão to the coast. Initially, Pernambuco was excluded from federal aid to the Northeast.[61] At the end of Cavalcanti's rule in 1937, the continued primacy of the declining sugar economy left Pernambuco dominated by the local aristocracy with little or no improvement for the lower classes.[62] During the Vargas era, an important development in Brazil was the emergence of a middle class. Unfortunately, even in the 1950s, this middle class was practically nonexistent in the inland regions of Pernambuco and very hard to find in cities like Recife.[63] For the poor of Pernambuco and the Northeast region, the path to a better life was exemplified by the migration of the family of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva— who would later become President of Brazil— from Pernambuco to São Paulo. The trip, over unpaved roads in the back of a truck, took 13 days.[64]

Between Vargas (1954) and Military Dictatorship (1964)

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In the decade after the Vargas era, only President Juscelino Kubitschek served a complete term in office. All national politics remained dominated by the pro-Vargas and anti-Vargas factions.[65] Pernambuco (along with Bahia) in the middle of the twentieth century was one of the two leading states in the Brazilian Northeast. In that period, income averaged $140 per year, per capita, consumption of electricity was about one fifth the Brazilian national average, infant mortality rates ran from 250 to 500 per 1000 live births, about three quarters of the adult population was illiterate, and fewer that 3 percent of students finished primary school.[66] Moreover, while the sugar industry in Pernambuco was recovering from the lows of the early twentieth century, the standard of living for the poorest sugar workers was declining.[67]

In this environment the workers began to organize and the Ligas Camponesas (peasant leagues) emerged. An attorney and member of the Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB), Francisco Julião, championed the peasants' cause and the publicity surrounding the ensuing court and political struggle caused the peasant league to grow to an estimated 40,000 members in Pernambuco.[68]

Following so closely after the Cuban revolution, the peasant leagues gave rise to an American CIA effort to clandestinely support moderate peasant organizations. One of the most noteworthy of these moderate organizations was the Pernambuco Rural Orientation Service (SORPE) organized by two priests, Paulo Crespo and Antonio de Melo. An outgrowth of SORPE's effort were several unions. In 1963, 200,000 sugar workers in Pernambuco went on strike and won an 80% wage increase.[69]

Beginning during the Kubitschek presidency another important agent for the development of Pernambuco was the Superentendência do Desenvolvimento do Nordeste (SUDENE).[70] Under its director, noted economist Celso Furtado, SUDENE set forth a three-year plan for economic development. Although the military coup of 1964 would interrupt this plan, SUDENE, and the peasant leagues, were significant elements in developing a political voice for the poor of Pernambuco.[71]

Brazilian Military Government (1964–1985)

[edit]

In 1964, a coup established the military as the government of Brazil. Unlike previous occasions when the military intervened and forced a change in government and then withdrew, this time a military dictatorship was established which would last until 1985. While treatment of this period at the national level is beyond the scope of this article, the military government frequently resorted to violence in the state of Pernambuco.[72] Under the military dictatorship, almost all of the change-oriented movements and organizations established during the Second Republic were halted or dismantled in the name of the regime's fiscal stabilization policy.[73]

Despite the dismantling of many of these institutions, there were certain impacts made by these change-oriented movements that were not undone. Specifically, these movements provided a basis for both infrastructural development in Pernambuco and education of the state's population. For example, a Peace Corps worker recalled attending a meeting in rural Pernambuco in 1967. Of the thirty-five union officers attending thirteen had acquired literacy thru the Popular Culture Movement prior to the military dictatorship.[74] In addition, some entities which were considered to be more moderate were allowed to continue in a limited fashion. One of these entities was the Rural Orientation Service of Pernambuco (SORPE), which identified leaders among the peasantry and established cooperatives in rural areas that assisted peasants in marketing their produce.[75] These cooperatives directly addressed one hurdle in the development of Pernambuco, which was the practice of only growing sugar can on traditional plantations and having to import food form other Brazilian states. This caused a lack of production of local food crops and was a barrier to the development of the state.[76]

Opposition to the Dictatorship

[edit]
Hélder Câmara in 1984

Despite brutal suppression on the part of military dictators, opposition to the regime quickly arose, especially in the Northeastern region of Brazil.[77]

The church in Pernambuco was not the only center of resistance in the state, nor was Archbishop Hélder Câmara the only bishop in Brazil to oppose the military dictatorship. However, throughout the military dictatorship the Catholic Church was the face of the resistance.[78] Pernambuco's Archbishop Câmara, a leading exponent of Liberation Theology, became one of Brazil's most well known advocates for the poor and opponent of the military dictators.[78][79][80] Under the archbishop's leadership several priests advocated for the impoverished of Pernambuco and at least one priest in Recife was tortured and murdered without government investigation in 1969.[81] Nevertheless, resistance continued. Toward the end of the military dictatorship, along with unions and squatters, the Catholic Church in Brazil participated in organizing the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST).[82] While the initial efforts of MST were in the South of Brazil, in the 1990s MST became a force for land reform in Pernambuco.[citation needed]

End of Military Dictatorship

[edit]

Two presidents—one a newly elected military dictator, the other a future Twenty-first Century president—took noteworthy actions toward the end of the military dictatorship. Future president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a native of Pernambuco, led a series of strikes in São Paulo.[83] The other newly elected president and dictator, João Figueiredo, declared an abertura (opening) to democracy.[84] This declaration was followed by an amnesty, elections for governors and legislative elections in 1982, and in 1985 a civilian president of Brazil was elected.[85]

Modern History (1985– )

[edit]
From To Governor of Pernambuco
1983 1986 Roberto Magalhães
1986 1987 Gustavo Krause Gonçalves Sobrinho
1987 1990 Miguel Arraes de Alencar
1990 1991 Carlos Wilson Rocha de Queirós Campos
1991 1995 Joaquim Francisco de Freitas Cavalcanti
1995 1999 Miguel Arraes de Alencar
1999 2006 Jarbas de Andrade Vasconcelos
2006 2007 Jose Mendonça Bezerra Filho
2007 2014 Eduardo Henrique Accioly Campos
2014 2015 João Soares Lyra Neto
2015 Paulo Henrique Saraiva Câmara

Over the course of the 20th century, various forces improved the quality of life in Pernambuco. Particularly important were advances in communication and transportation, but also the centralization of the Vargas era governments and the military dictatorship that came to have greater influence than Brazil's centuries old regionalism.[86] Since the country pivoted away from military rule and back to democracy, it is evident that Pernambuco is still very much a state where latifundia and monoculture are major factors, and, likewise the same ruling elite controls the government, nevertheless living conditions in the state have greatly improved.

In the 1970s observers pointed to Pernambuco as part of the least developed region in the Western Hemisphere with an infant mortality rate variously described as 25 to 50%[87] or that as many as 40% of children died prior to reaching school age.[88] Statistics from the turn of the millennium show a sharp and continuing improvement. Infant mortality declined (using two different measures) by 6.8 or 6.2 percent per annum between 1990 and 2015 from (again using two measures) 77.0 or 90.4 infant deaths per 1000 live births in 1990 to 13.4 or 18.2 infant deaths per 1000 live births in 2015.[89]

Rural life

[edit]

During military rule one earlier effort to improve the lot of the rural poor, the Ligas Camponesas (peasant leagues) was suppressed.[90] After the military dictatorship, the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (MST), which had been organized in 1984 in the far South of Brazil, had some success in providing land to the rural poor.[91] MST intentionally sought to organize on a national basis, not a regional basis.[92] MST began organizing in the South using land occupations and provisions of the Brazilian constitutions. MST experienced considerable success. However, when MST began organizing in Pernambuco, the process was more difficult due to Pernambuco's historic culture. MST found that the landless poor in Pernambuco's zona da mata (coastal areas of sugar cultivation) were amenable to organization during the 1990s largely because during the last decades of the century the market for sugar was in severe decline. Accustomed to regular paychecks, at least when employed, sugar cane workers saw subsistence farming as disadvantageous. Regular paychecks mean immediate money for food, whereas subsistence farming produced food only after planting, cultivation, and harvest. However, the due to the shrinking of the market for sugar that began in the 1980s and continued through the 1990s, MST was successful in organizing in Pernambuco and would execute land occupations especially during the 1990s. While many peasants returned to sugar farming at the turn of the millennium with the revival of the market for sugar, MST was still able to improve the rural quality of life in Pernambuco.[93]

Urban life

[edit]

The capital of Pernambuco is Recife, the largest city in Northeast Brazil and one Brazil's largest cities. In Recife and other cities, there is a great contrast between the cities that tourists see and the slums that impoverished residents live in.[94][95] Moreover, there is much scholarly documentation of the migration to cities and the plight of the poor in Recife and other Brazilian cities.[96][97] Notwithstanding, the fact that conditions in the slums are bad and much improvement is needed, taking homicides in Recife as an indicator of progress, this very fundamental indicator of quality of life shows that since the return of democracy to Brazil, quality of life has experienced some improvement. Moreover, the trend of decrease in Recife is opposite the trend in Brazil overall which has generally increased from a homicide rate of 28.5 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2002 and reached 29 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants by 2012. In 2000, the homicide rate in Recife was 97.5 per 100,000 inhabitants and Recife was said to be the most dangerous state capital in Brazil. However, by 2012, this rate dropped to 52 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, this decrease in homicides is noteworthy both for its dramatic plunge and because the rate still exceeds the national average by a significant margin.[98]

While attempts to address land ownership in Pernambuco experienced limited success affecting land tenure in the last half of the Twentieth Century through organizations such as the ‘Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra’ (MST) and the ‘Ligas Camponesas’ in the city of Recife a fifty-year effort to resolve squatter's rights in the city center came to fruition in the 2014 granting of titled ownership of homes in Ponte Maduro to residents of this favela (slum). This event was celebrated in a ceremony under the aegis of Governor Eduardo Campos, the mayor of Recife, and other officials. As a substantial majority of these new landowners were women, this achievement has been hailed not simply as addressing land tenure, but as a significant step in addressing gender equality.[99]

Recent history

[edit]

As it was evidenced by the discussion in preceding sections Pernambuco has made great strides in improving the quality of life for its citizens. While true to conditions throughout the Northeast coast of Brazil Pernambuco remains an underdeveloped state in Brazil. Recent statistics from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics Foundation (IBGE) show a (prepandemic) 2019 average monthly income of 970 R$ (about US$180) up from just over 600 R$ in 2012. To put this in a purchasing power frame, in 2012 Pernambuco had 2.2 million automobiles and in 2019 the number of automobiles was increased to 3 million.[100]

See also

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References

[edit]
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  2. ^ "Pernambuco | state, Brazil". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved October 13, 2020.
  3. ^ Robert Southey, History of Brazil Vol. 1, p. 54 (Burt Franklin, New York, 1970), p 53
  4. ^ a b Gabriela Martin. Pré-história do Nordeste do Brasil. ISBN 9788573150834. Retrieved June 30, 2015.
  5. ^ "Sítios arqueológicos de Pernambuco: Uma Abordagem cultural" (PDF). Unicap. Retrieved June 6, 2015.
  6. ^ John Hemming, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760, Harvard University Press, 1978, pp. 72-75
  7. ^ Francis A. Dutra, "Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord-Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Beginnings of a Dynasty." The Americas Vol. XXIX, April 1973, Number 4, pp. 415{em}441
  8. ^ Robert Southey, History of Brazil Vol. 1, p. 54 (Burt Franklin, New York, 1970
  9. ^ a b Stuart B.Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550 - 1835, chapter 2 (Cambridge University Press. 1985)
  10. ^ Pero de Magalhães Gandavo, The Histories of Brazil translated by John B Stetson, pp. 83 - 112 &165 - 174, The Cortes Society, New York, 1922
  11. ^ John Hemming, Red Gold: The conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760 (Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 27
  12. ^ a b John Hemming, Red Gold: The conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500-1760 (Harvard University Press, 1978), chapter 1
  13. ^ Bailey W. Diffie (1987). A History of Colonial Brazil: 1500 - 1792, p 1, Krieger, Malabar, Florida.
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  15. ^ Bailey W. Diffie (1987). A History of Colonial Brazil: 1500 - 1792, ch. 2, Krieger, Malabar, Florida.
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  18. ^ Francis A. Dutra, "Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord-Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Founding of a Dynasty." The Americas Vol. XXIX, April 1973, Number 4, pp. 415-441
  19. ^ E. Bradford Burns, Ed., A Documentary History of Brazil, Alfred Knopf, New York, pp. 33-45
  20. ^ Francis A. Dutra. “Duarte Coelho Pereira, First Lord-Proprietor of Pernambuco: The Beginnings of a Dynasty,” The Americas 29:4 (April 1973), pp.415-441.
  21. ^ Francis Dutra, “Centralization vs. Donatarial Privilege” in Colonial Roots of Modern Brazil, Dauril Alden, ed., University of California Press, 1973, pp. 19-60.
  22. ^ C. R. Boxer, The Dutch in Brazil 1624-1654, Archon Books, 1973
  23. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp 61-97
  24. ^ Stuart B Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550-1835 pp. 245-414
  25. ^ a b C. H. Haring, Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy, Norton, New York, 1958, Ch. 3
  26. ^ a b c C. H. Haring, Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy, Norton, New York, 1958, Ch. 2
  27. ^ Capistrano de Abreu, Chapters of Brazil's Colonial History, Arthur Brakel, Trans., Oxford University Press, 1997, pp. 64, 67,90, 101, 137, 138 & 141
  28. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 104
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  35. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 124
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  38. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 148
  39. ^ a b C. H. Haring, Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy, Norton, New York, 1958, p.92
  40. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 260
  41. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 271-276
  42. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, pp. 160-162
  43. ^ Robert Conrad, The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, 1850-1888, University of Californian Press, 1972, Ch. 4
  44. ^ Peter Eisenberg, The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization Without Change, 1840-1910, University of California Press, ch. 8
  45. ^ C. H. Haring, Empire in Brazil: A New World Experiment with Monarchy, Norton, New York, 1958, p. 68
  46. ^ Stuart B.Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia, 1550 - 1835, Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 426&427
  47. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, p. 161
  48. ^ Peter Eisenberg, The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization Without Change, 1840-1910, University of California Press, Ch . 5
  49. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 429
  50. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, p. 7
  51. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 197 & 198
  52. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 2 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 200 & 201
  53. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, Stanford University Press, 1978, p.182
  54. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, Stanford University Press, 1978, pp. 130-131
  55. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, Stanford University Press, 1978, pp. 159-168
  56. ^ a b Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp. 7 & 33
  57. ^ Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, p. 36
  58. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, p. 86
  59. ^ Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp 28 & 29
  60. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, pp. 83-87
  61. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, p. 132-134
  62. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, p. 167
  63. ^ Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, p. 83
  64. ^ John French, Lula and His Politics of Cunning, Univ. N. Carolina Press, 2020, pp. 31-34
  65. ^ Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp. 143-252
  66. ^ Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 5
  67. ^ Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 107
  68. ^ Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 111&112
  69. ^ Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 117&118
  70. ^ Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, p.185
  71. ^ Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 11
  72. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 445
  73. ^ Alfred Stepan, The Military in Politics: Changing Patterns in Brazil, Princeton University Press, 1971, p. 214
  74. ^ Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 116
  75. ^ Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 122
  76. ^ Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, ch. 10
  77. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 454
  78. ^ a b Alfred Stepan, The Military in Politics: Changing Patterns in Brazil, Princeton University Press, 1971, pp. 258-9
  79. ^ Thomas Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 1930-1964: An Experiment in Democracy, Oxford University Press,, 1967, pp 321, 401-402
  80. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 459
  81. ^ João Quartim, Dictatorship and Armed Struggle in Brazil, Trans. David Fernbach, Monthly Review Press, New York, 1971, p. 211
  82. ^ Wendy Wolford, This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil, Duke Univ. Press, 2010, pp. 46-50
  83. ^ John D. French, Lula and His Politics of Cunning, Univ. of North Carolina Press, Ch. 1
  84. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 466
  85. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, p. 476
  86. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, 1993, p 423
  87. ^ Kit Sims Taylor, Sugar and Underdevelopment of Northeastern Brazil 1500-1970, University Presses of Florida, p. 5
  88. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, Columbia University Press, New York, 1970, p. 350
  89. ^ Szwarcwald, C.L., Almeida, W.d., Teixeira, R.A. et al. “Inequalities in infant mortality in Brazil at subnational levels in Brazil, 1990 to 2015.” Popul Health Metrics 18, 4 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12963-020-00208-1
  90. ^ Wendy Wolford, This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil, Duke Univ. Press, 2010, p. 128
  91. ^ John French, Lula and His Politics of Cunning, Univ. of N. Carolina Press, 2020, p16
  92. ^ Wendy Wolford, This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil, Duke Univ. Press, 2010, p. 4
  93. ^ Wendy Wolford, This Land Is Ours Now: Social Mobilization and the Meanings of Land in Brazil, Duke Univ. Press, 2010, pp. 211-226
  94. ^ Evan, Williams (July 3, 2013). "Death to undesirables: Brazil's murder capital". No. Internet edition. Independent. Retrieved January 27, 2021.
  95. ^ "Popular with tourists in Brazil, Recife is deadly for residents". Los Angeles Times. No. Internet edition. Associated Press. April 27, 2008. Retrieved January 27, 2021.
  96. ^ Robert Levine, Pernambuco in the Brazilian Federation, 1889-1937, ch 1
  97. ^ E. Bradford Burns, A History of Brazil, 3 ed. Columbia University Press, New York, pp. 309, 360, 481
  98. ^ D. Pereira, C.Mota, and M. Andresen, "The Homicide Drop in Recife, Brazil: A Study of Crime Concentrations and Spatial Patterns", Homicide Studies 2017, Vol. 21(1) 21&27.
  99. ^ "After half a century, land titles given to residents of Ponte do Maduro: Recife, Brazil – Global Land Tool Network".
  100. ^ "IGBE". IGBE. IGBE. Retrieved January 28, 2021.

Further reading

[edit]
  • "Local History, Brazil: Pernambuco". Catalog of the William B. Greenlee Collection of Portuguese History ... in the Newberry Library. Chicago: Newberry Library. 1953. hdl:2027/mdp.39015023946240 – via Hathi Trust.